@article{martin_staying_2021,
	title = {Staying connected: explaining parties’ enduring connections to civil society},
	issn = {0140-2382, 1743-9655},
	shorttitle = {Staying connected},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01402382.2021.1986784},
	doi = {10.1080/01402382.2021.1986784},
	abstract = {The connections between political parties and civil society are central to parties’ representative performance. Several explanations exist for cross-party variations in the strength of these connections. However, nobody has compared the explanatory power of rival theories. This article does just that, using a novel dataset covering 149 parties in 29 elections in 14 West European countries. It establishes that elites in parties with government experience and a left-wing ideological orientation have the strongest links to civil society. Parties at the far right are the least connected, in particular those that have no governing experience. Contrary to expectations, however, the study shows that, when controlling for party ideology and governing experience, the level of intra-party democracy and key components of party trajectory, such as party origin and strategy, are not significant in explaining the strength of party-society connections.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2021-10-19},
	journal = {West European Politics},
	author = {Martin, Nick and de Lange, Sarah L. and van der Brug, Wouter},
	month = oct,
	year = {2021},
	note = {ECC: No Data (logprob: -135.345)},
	pages = {1--23},
}

The connections between political parties and civil society are central to parties’ representative performance. Several explanations exist for cross-party variations in the strength of these connections. However, nobody has compared the explanatory power of rival theories. This article does just that, using a novel dataset covering 149 parties in 29 elections in 14 West European countries. It establishes that elites in parties with government experience and a left-wing ideological orientation have the strongest links to civil society. Parties at the far right are the least connected, in particular those that have no governing experience. Contrary to expectations, however, the study shows that, when controlling for party ideology and governing experience, the level of intra-party democracy and key components of party trajectory, such as party origin and strategy, are not significant in explaining the strength of party-society connections.

@article{vis_conducting_2021,
	title = {Conducting quantitative studies with the participation of political elites: best practices for designing the study and soliciting the participation of political elites},
	volume = {55},
	issn = {0033-5177, 1573-7845},
	shorttitle = {Conducting quantitative studies with the participation of political elites},
	url = {https://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11135-020-01052-z},
	doi = {10.1007/s11135-020-01052-z},
	abstract = {Conducting quantitative research (e.g., surveys, a large number of interviews, experiments) with the participation of political elites is typically challenging. Given that a population of political elites is typically small by definition, a particular challenge is obtaining a sufficiently high number of observations and, thus, a certain response rate. This paper focuses on two questions related to this challenge: (1) What are best practices for designing the study? And (2) what are best practices for soliciting the participation of political elites? To arrive at these best practices, we (a) examine which factors explain the variation in response rates across surveys within and between large-scale, multi-wave survey projects by statistically analyzing a newly compiled dataset of 342 political elite surveys from eight projects, spanning 30 years and 58 countries, (b) integrate the typically scattered findings from the existing literature and (c) discuss results from an original expert survey among researchers with experience with such research (n = 23). By compiling a comprehensive list of best practices, systematically testing some widely held believes about response rates and by providing benchmarks for response rates depending on country, survey mode and elite type, we aim to facilitate future studies where participation of political elites is required. This will contribute to our knowledge and understanding of political elites’ opinions, information processing and decision making and thereby of the functioning of representative democracies.},
	language = {en},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2021-10-19},
	journal = {Quality \& Quantity},
	author = {Vis, Barbara and Stolwijk, Sjoerd},
	month = aug,
	year = {2021},
	note = {ECC: 0000000},
	pages = {1281--1317},
}

Conducting quantitative research (e.g., surveys, a large number of interviews, experiments) with the participation of political elites is typically challenging. Given that a population of political elites is typically small by definition, a particular challenge is obtaining a sufficiently high number of observations and, thus, a certain response rate. This paper focuses on two questions related to this challenge: (1) What are best practices for designing the study? And (2) what are best practices for soliciting the participation of political elites? To arrive at these best practices, we (a) examine which factors explain the variation in response rates across surveys within and between large-scale, multi-wave survey projects by statistically analyzing a newly compiled dataset of 342 political elite surveys from eight projects, spanning 30 years and 58 countries, (b) integrate the typically scattered findings from the existing literature and (c) discuss results from an original expert survey among researchers with experience with such research (n = 23). By compiling a comprehensive list of best practices, systematically testing some widely held believes about response rates and by providing benchmarks for response rates depending on country, survey mode and elite type, we aim to facilitate future studies where participation of political elites is required. This will contribute to our knowledge and understanding of political elites’ opinions, information processing and decision making and thereby of the functioning of representative democracies.

@article{marino_personalization_2021,
	title = {The personalization of party politics in {Western} {Europe} (1985–2016): evidence from an expert survey},
	issn = {0001-6810, 1741-1416},
	shorttitle = {The personalization of party politics in {Western} {Europe} (1985–2016)},
	url = {https://link.springer.com/10.1057/s41269-021-00210-x},
	doi = {10.1057/s41269-021-00210-x},
	abstract = {The personalization of politics has been extensively studied from different angles and in different national contexts. Nonetheless, an easily comparable and longitudinal study of the personalization of politics at both the country and the party levels is still missing. In this article, we fill this gap by presenting data from an expert survey on the personalization of politics for around 110 parties and a series of Western European countries from the mid-1980s to the mid-2010s. The dimensions analyzed concern the impact of the personalization of politics in general elections, and also party leaders' room for maneuver in candidate selection, the definition of the party's policy-making agenda, and party leaders’ intra-party control. Different reliability tests confirm the goodness of the data collected. At the same time, first descriptive analyses show that there has not been a homogenous diffusion of this phenomenon in Western Europe, and diverging personalization trends are present for different groups of countries or different dimensions of this phenomenon.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2021-10-19},
	journal = {Acta Politica},
	author = {Marino, Bruno and Martocchia Diodati, Nicola and Verzichelli, Luca},
	month = aug,
	year = {2021},
	note = {ECC: 0000000},
}

The personalization of politics has been extensively studied from different angles and in different national contexts. Nonetheless, an easily comparable and longitudinal study of the personalization of politics at both the country and the party levels is still missing. In this article, we fill this gap by presenting data from an expert survey on the personalization of politics for around 110 parties and a series of Western European countries from the mid-1980s to the mid-2010s. The dimensions analyzed concern the impact of the personalization of politics in general elections, and also party leaders' room for maneuver in candidate selection, the definition of the party's policy-making agenda, and party leaders’ intra-party control. Different reliability tests confirm the goodness of the data collected. At the same time, first descriptive analyses show that there has not been a homogenous diffusion of this phenomenon in Western Europe, and diverging personalization trends are present for different groups of countries or different dimensions of this phenomenon.

@article{rehmert_party_2021,
	title = {Party membership, pre-parliamentary socialization and party cohesion},
	issn = {1354-0688, 1460-3683},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/13540688211039088},
	doi = {10.1177/13540688211039088},
	abstract = {Party membership seems to lose relevance for political careers in many established democracies. Increasing numbers of parties are recruiting non-members as candidates. Yet, what are the implications of a lack of long-term party membership for party cohesion? In this paper, I argue that pre-parliamentary party membership is in fact crucial for cohesion. Using data from the Comparative Candidate Survey and voting behavior of ca. 2,000 MPs of the German Bundestag on free votes from 1953 to 2013, I examine the effect of length of previous party membership and the age of joining the party on indicators of party cohesion. Examining free votes allows for credibly controlling alternative explanations of unified voting behavior. Results are in line with expectations generated from social identity theory and underscore the importance of party membership for party cohesion. The paper concludes with a discussion on the findings’ implications in light of recent developments in parties’ candidate recruitment.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2021-10-19},
	journal = {Party Politics},
	author = {Rehmert, Jochen},
	month = aug,
	year = {2021},
	note = {ECC: 0000000},
	pages = {135406882110390},
}

Party membership seems to lose relevance for political careers in many established democracies. Increasing numbers of parties are recruiting non-members as candidates. Yet, what are the implications of a lack of long-term party membership for party cohesion? In this paper, I argue that pre-parliamentary party membership is in fact crucial for cohesion. Using data from the Comparative Candidate Survey and voting behavior of ca. 2,000 MPs of the German Bundestag on free votes from 1953 to 2013, I examine the effect of length of previous party membership and the age of joining the party on indicators of party cohesion. Examining free votes allows for credibly controlling alternative explanations of unified voting behavior. Results are in line with expectations generated from social identity theory and underscore the importance of party membership for party cohesion. The paper concludes with a discussion on the findings’ implications in light of recent developments in parties’ candidate recruitment.

@article{sampugnaro_search_2021,
	title = {In {Search} of the {Americanization}: {Candidates} and {Political} {Campaigns} in {European} {General} {Election}},
	volume = {20},
	issn = {1537-7857, 1537-7865},
	shorttitle = {In {Search} of the {Americanization}},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15377857.2020.1869832},
	doi = {10.1080/15377857.2020.1869832},
	abstract = {The digital platform has deeply changed the electoral campaigns, producing a consequent evolution of political consulting. Social networks have become the mainstream media so that the digital strategist and the big data analysts have achieved a special place in the “war room,” next to the campaign director and the pollster. In 2012, Obama’s election has marked the entrance in the “Fast Politics”: resulting, on one hand, in 24 hours news, a large amount of auto-generated contents produced by the voters through digital media, fragmentation, instantaneous transmission of messages and, on the other hand, a reduction of the attention threshold. Once again, similarly to the past, the evolution of the media (2.0) ends up changing the nature of election campaigns and political consulting request. What happens in Europe? The objective is to carry out a comparative analysis on the professionalization of candidates’ electoral staff. We wanted to verify if the American model has been imported in Europe with special focus on the techniques and the style of election campaigns management. In particular, within a comparative approach among the European states, the study analyzed the usage of political consulting and the degree of “digitalization” during last general elections: an ancillary practice or, on the contrary, a new tool for consensus? The comparative analysis among European states exploited the data provided by Comparative Candidates Survey (CCS 2013) and constructed synthetic indexes on the professionalization and digitization campaigns, conducting a quantitative and qualitative analysis.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2021-10-18},
	journal = {Journal of Political Marketing},
	author = {Sampugnaro, Rossana and Montemagno, Francesca},
	month = jan,
	year = {2021},
	note = {ECC: 0000000},
	pages = {34--49},
}

The digital platform has deeply changed the electoral campaigns, producing a consequent evolution of political consulting. Social networks have become the mainstream media so that the digital strategist and the big data analysts have achieved a special place in the “war room,” next to the campaign director and the pollster. In 2012, Obama’s election has marked the entrance in the “Fast Politics”: resulting, on one hand, in 24 hours news, a large amount of auto-generated contents produced by the voters through digital media, fragmentation, instantaneous transmission of messages and, on the other hand, a reduction of the attention threshold. Once again, similarly to the past, the evolution of the media (2.0) ends up changing the nature of election campaigns and political consulting request. What happens in Europe? The objective is to carry out a comparative analysis on the professionalization of candidates’ electoral staff. We wanted to verify if the American model has been imported in Europe with special focus on the techniques and the style of election campaigns management. In particular, within a comparative approach among the European states, the study analyzed the usage of political consulting and the degree of “digitalization” during last general elections: an ancillary practice or, on the contrary, a new tool for consensus? The comparative analysis among European states exploited the data provided by Comparative Candidates Survey (CCS 2013) and constructed synthetic indexes on the professionalization and digitization campaigns, conducting a quantitative and qualitative analysis.

@article{reinl_transnational_2021,
	title = {Transnational solidarity among political elites: what determines support for financial redistribution within the {EU} in times of crisis?},
	issn = {1755-7739, 1755-7747},
	shorttitle = {Transnational solidarity among political elites},
	url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/european-political-science-review/article/transnational-solidarity-among-political-elites-what-determines-support-for-financial-redistribution-within-the-eu-in-times-of-crisis/F7A27B4185506D96251EDD7AD8C2D174#article},
	doi = {10.1017/S1755773921000138},
	abstract = {As a consequence of the European Economic Crisis, the European Union (EU) has implanted mechanisms to assist fellow member states facing economic difficulties. Despite an increasing academic interest in public preferences for such intra-EU solidarity measures, research has so far largely ignored individual characteristics that could possibly influence politicians’ views. In this paper, we look at politicians’ preferences for transnational solidarity and argue that these preferences depend on attitudes regarding socioeconomic issues as well as attitudes related to the EU. Moreover, we hypothesize that the relationship is moderated by responsibility attribution and the economic situation in a country. Using survey data of about 4000 politicians running for office in nine EU countries, we find that transnational solidarity is more common for socioeconomically left-wing and pro-EU politicians. Yet, attitudinal differences only cease to matter when the beneficiary state is perceived responsible for the crisis and economic problems at home are low.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2021-06-27},
	journal = {European Political Science Review},
	author = {Reinl, Ann-Kathrin and Giebler, Heiko},
	year = {2021},
	note = {ECC: 0000000 
Publisher: Cambridge University Press},
	keywords = {European Union, economic crisis, politicians, solidarity},
	pages = {1--20},
}

As a consequence of the European Economic Crisis, the European Union (EU) has implanted mechanisms to assist fellow member states facing economic difficulties. Despite an increasing academic interest in public preferences for such intra-EU solidarity measures, research has so far largely ignored individual characteristics that could possibly influence politicians’ views. In this paper, we look at politicians’ preferences for transnational solidarity and argue that these preferences depend on attitudes regarding socioeconomic issues as well as attitudes related to the EU. Moreover, we hypothesize that the relationship is moderated by responsibility attribution and the economic situation in a country. Using survey data of about 4000 politicians running for office in nine EU countries, we find that transnational solidarity is more common for socioeconomically left-wing and pro-EU politicians. Yet, attitudinal differences only cease to matter when the beneficiary state is perceived responsible for the crisis and economic problems at home are low.

@book{coller_politicians_2021,
	title = {Politicians in {Hard} {Times}: {Spanish} and {South} {European} {MPs} {Facing} {Citizens} after the {Great} {Recession}},
	isbn = {978-3-030-70241-0},
	shorttitle = {Politicians in {Hard} {Times}},
	url = {https://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9783030702410},
	abstract = {This book analyses the Spanish parliamentary elites in a comparative perspective within southern Europe. What has been the impact of the Great Recession on the configuration of parliaments and the diversity of legislators? Have new parties delivered better representation of citizens in terms of demographics (gender, age, social class), ideology or political attitudes and beliefs? This original research is based on a 2018 survey on members of two national chambers and 17 regional parliaments. Comparing these data with those of a simultaneous survey carried out on Spanish citizens and with data from previous research a decade ago, the book examines the changes that have occurred in representation during the course of the Great Recession and provides evidence of the growing distance between citizens and parliamentary elites. Additionally, using data from the Comparative Candidates Survey, the book compares the ideological congruence between citizens and their representatives in Spain, Portugal, Italy and Greece.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2021-06-25},
	publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
	editor = {Coller, Xavier and Sánchez-Ferrer, Leonardo},
	year = {2021},
	doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-70242-7},
}

This book analyses the Spanish parliamentary elites in a comparative perspective within southern Europe. What has been the impact of the Great Recession on the configuration of parliaments and the diversity of legislators? Have new parties delivered better representation of citizens in terms of demographics (gender, age, social class), ideology or political attitudes and beliefs? This original research is based on a 2018 survey on members of two national chambers and 17 regional parliaments. Comparing these data with those of a simultaneous survey carried out on Spanish citizens and with data from previous research a decade ago, the book examines the changes that have occurred in representation during the course of the Great Recession and provides evidence of the growing distance between citizens and parliamentary elites. Additionally, using data from the Comparative Candidates Survey, the book compares the ideological congruence between citizens and their representatives in Spain, Portugal, Italy and Greece.

@article{martin_holding_2020,
	title = {Holding on to voters in volatile times: {Bonding} voters through party links with civil society},
	issn = {1354-0688},
	shorttitle = {Holding on to voters in volatile times},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068820980304},
	doi = {10.1177/1354068820980304},
	abstract = {Political parties are increasingly confronted with electoral volatility. However, the support for some parties is more stable than that of others. Although it has been established that parties’ links to civil society stabilised their electorates in the period until the 1980s, it has not yet been investigated whether such links still fulfil this function in our volatile age. In this paper, we argue that traditional party connections, as well as links to modern day civil society organisations, continue to tie voters to parties. Using a novel dataset covering 149 parties in 29 elections in 14 West European countries, we establish that parties with stronger links to civil society do indeed have a more stable support base. This relationship holds for parties of the left and right. Our results demonstrate that parties’ societal embeddedness continues to play a role in understanding party competition in the 21st century.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2020-12-30},
	journal = {Party Politics},
	author = {Martin, Nick and de Lange, Sarah L and van der Brug, Wouter},
	month = dec,
	year = {2020},
	keywords = {civil society, elections, linkages, political parties, volatility},
	pages = {1354068820980304},
}

Political parties are increasingly confronted with electoral volatility. However, the support for some parties is more stable than that of others. Although it has been established that parties’ links to civil society stabilised their electorates in the period until the 1980s, it has not yet been investigated whether such links still fulfil this function in our volatile age. In this paper, we argue that traditional party connections, as well as links to modern day civil society organisations, continue to tie voters to parties. Using a novel dataset covering 149 parties in 29 elections in 14 West European countries, we establish that parties with stronger links to civil society do indeed have a more stable support base. This relationship holds for parties of the left and right. Our results demonstrate that parties’ societal embeddedness continues to play a role in understanding party competition in the 21st century.

@incollection{freire_methodological_2020,
	address = {London},
	title = {Methodological {Challenges} in the {Study} of {Political} {Elites}},
	isbn = {978-0-367-02294-5},
	url = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/methodological-challenges-study-political-elites-andr%C3%A9-freire-xavier-coller-ioannis-andreadis-antonio-jaime-sofia-serra-silva-evangelia-kartsounidou/e/10.4324/9780429400414-7},
	booktitle = {Political {Representation} in {Southern} {Europe} and {Latin} {America} {Crisis} or {Continuing} {Transformation} following the {Great} {Recession}?},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	author = {Freire, André and Coller, Xavier and Andreadis, Ioannis and Jaime, Antonio M. and Serra da Silva, Sofia and Kartsounidou, Evangelia},
	editor = {Freire, André and Barragán, Mélany and Coller, Xavier and Lisi, Marco and Tsatsanis, Emmanouil},
	year = {2020},
	note = {ECC: 0000000},
}

@article{popescu_electoral_2020,
	title = {Electoral {System} {Incentives} for a {Party}-{Serving} {Personal} {Vote} {How} {Can} {High} {Personalization} {Occur} under {PR}?},
	volume = {53},
	issn = {0967-067X},
	url = {/cpcs/article/53/2/3/110708/Electoral-System-Incentives-for-a-Party-Serving},
	doi = {10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.2.3},
	abstract = {Candidate-centric campaigns are most likely to occur when electoral system incentives to personalize do not conflict with party-based incentives. Then it makes sense for candidates to use any campaign mean to improve their chances to win a seat while also helping the party win more seats and increasing their standing within the organization. The Romanian electoral system uniquely combined mechanisms that enabled all three motivations for almost all candidates. Our analysis of the degree and determinants of personalization in the 2012 parliamentary elections illustrates that electoral system incentives were key factors driving campaign personalization as a party-congruent rather than adversarial campaign strategy.},
	language = {en},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2020-12-15},
	journal = {Communist and Post-Communist Studies},
	author = {Popescu, Marina and Chiru, Mihail},
	month = jun,
	year = {2020},
	note = {Publisher: University of California Press},
	pages = {3--24},
}

Candidate-centric campaigns are most likely to occur when electoral system incentives to personalize do not conflict with party-based incentives. Then it makes sense for candidates to use any campaign mean to improve their chances to win a seat while also helping the party win more seats and increasing their standing within the organization. The Romanian electoral system uniquely combined mechanisms that enabled all three motivations for almost all candidates. Our analysis of the degree and determinants of personalization in the 2012 parliamentary elections illustrates that electoral system incentives were key factors driving campaign personalization as a party-congruent rather than adversarial campaign strategy.

@article{ostergaard-nielsen_styles_2020,
	title = {Styles of {Representation} in {Constituencies} in the {Homeland} and {Abroad}: {The} {Case} of {Italy}},
	issn = {0031-2290},
	shorttitle = {Styles of {Representation} in {Constituencies} in the {Homeland} and {Abroad}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsaa063},
	doi = {10.1093/pa/gsaa063},
	abstract = {The role orientation of political representatives and candidates is a longstanding concern in studies of democratic representation. The growing trend in countries to allow citizens abroad to candidate in homeland elections from afar provides an interesting opportunity for understanding how international mobility and context influences ideas of representation among these emigrant candidates. In public debates, emigrant candidates are often portrayed as delegates of the emigrant constituencies. However, drawing on the paradigmatic case of Italy and an original data set comprising emigrant candidates, we show that the perceptions of styles of representation abroad are more complex. Systemic differences between electoral districts at home and abroad are relevant for explaining why and how candidates develop a trustee or delegate orientation.},
	number = {gsaa063},
	urldate = {2020-12-14},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	author = {Østergaard-Nielsen, Eva and Camatarri, Stefano},
	month = nov,
	year = {2020},
}

The role orientation of political representatives and candidates is a longstanding concern in studies of democratic representation. The growing trend in countries to allow citizens abroad to candidate in homeland elections from afar provides an interesting opportunity for understanding how international mobility and context influences ideas of representation among these emigrant candidates. In public debates, emigrant candidates are often portrayed as delegates of the emigrant constituencies. However, drawing on the paradigmatic case of Italy and an original data set comprising emigrant candidates, we show that the perceptions of styles of representation abroad are more complex. Systemic differences between electoral districts at home and abroad are relevant for explaining why and how candidates develop a trustee or delegate orientation.

@article{tromborg_candidate_2019,
	title = {Candidate nomination rules and party leader strategies},
	issn = {1354-0688},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1354068819853967},
	doi = {10.1177/1354068819853967},
	abstract = {Parliamentary party leaders have an electoral incentive to protect the informational value of their party's label by promoting unity, but recent research has shown that parties can also benefit electorally from appealing broadly through a wide distribution of candidate positions on political issues. This article suggests that party leaders with formal candidate nomination powers balance these incentives by nominating new candidates who are more congruent with the party when the distribution of issue positions among the senior candidates is wide, and, conversely, by nominating new candidates who are more divergent from the party when the senior candidate position distribution is narrow. These possibilities are tested with candidate survey data from six parliamentary democracies, and the results show that new party leader nominations are indeed conditional on the senior candidate distribution, but only on issues that are salient to the party’s electoral brand.},
	journal = {Party Politics},
	author = {Tromborg, Mathias Wessel},
	month = jun,
	year = {2019},
	pages = {135406881985396},
}

Parliamentary party leaders have an electoral incentive to protect the informational value of their party's label by promoting unity, but recent research has shown that parties can also benefit electorally from appealing broadly through a wide distribution of candidate positions on political issues. This article suggests that party leaders with formal candidate nomination powers balance these incentives by nominating new candidates who are more congruent with the party when the distribution of issue positions among the senior candidates is wide, and, conversely, by nominating new candidates who are more divergent from the party when the senior candidate position distribution is narrow. These possibilities are tested with candidate survey data from six parliamentary democracies, and the results show that new party leader nominations are indeed conditional on the senior candidate distribution, but only on issues that are salient to the party’s electoral brand.

@incollection{Andreadis2017,
	title = {Elite {Surveys}},
	booktitle = {The {Ideational} {Approach} to {Populism}: {Concept}, {Theory}, and {Analysis}},
	publisher = {Democracy and Extremism Series, Routledge},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Ruth, Saskia P.},
	editor = {Hawkins, Kirk and Carlin, Ryan and Littvay, Levente and Rovira Kaltwasser, Cristobal},
	year = {2019},
	pages = {112--127},
}

@article{giannetti_personal_2019,
	title = {Personal ambitions, expertise and parties' control: {Understanding} committee assignment in the {Italian} chamber of deputies},
	volume = {72},
	issn = {14602482},
	doi = {10.1093/pa/gsy013},
	abstract = {n this study, we look at committee assignment by focusing on the extent to which MPs’ desires to become members of certain committees are fulfilled. Our theoretical argument is based on the assumption that legislators pursue individ- ual goals, which interact with party leaders’ ones. To test our hypotheses, we use original survey data on elected candidates to the Italian Parliament that were col- lected immediately after the 2013 general election. Our main findings highlight that individual preferences driven by distributive interests are more likely to be ac- commodated in the case of legislators who are close to their party in ideological terms. On the contrary, ideological proximity to the party does not seem to affect committee assignment when MPs’ preferences are driven by expertise-based motivations.},
	number = {1},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	author = {Giannetti, Daniela and Pedrazzani, Andrea and Pinto, Luca},
	month = jan,
	year = {2019},
	note = {Publisher: Oxford University Press},
	keywords = {Committee assignment, Italian parliament, Legislative committees, Legislative organisation, Party unity, Political parties},
	pages = {119--140},
}

n this study, we look at committee assignment by focusing on the extent to which MPs’ desires to become members of certain committees are fulfilled. Our theoretical argument is based on the assumption that legislators pursue individ- ual goals, which interact with party leaders’ ones. To test our hypotheses, we use original survey data on elected candidates to the Italian Parliament that were col- lected immediately after the 2013 general election. Our main findings highlight that individual preferences driven by distributive interests are more likely to be ac- commodated in the case of legislators who are close to their party in ideological terms. On the contrary, ideological proximity to the party does not seem to affect committee assignment when MPs’ preferences are driven by expertise-based motivations.

@article{steiner_intra-party_2019,
	title = {Intra-party heterogeneity in policy preferences and its effect on issue salience: {Developing} and applying a measure based on elite survey data},
	volume = {25},
	issn = {14603683},
	doi = {10.1177/1354068817715553},
	abstract = {Quantitative research on party politics often has to assume that parties are unitary actors with homogeneous policy preferences simply because intra-party heterogeneity is difficult to measure. This article proposes a measure of preference heterogeneity based on surveys of party elites. We draw on Comparative Candidates Survey (CCS) data from 28 elections in 21 developed democracies to quantify intra-party heterogeneity and validate this measure. The usefulness of the measure is demonstrated by studying the effects of intra-party heterogeneity on issue salience. We find support for the hypothesis that heterogeneity regarding a policy issue tends to be negatively associated with the emphasis a party places on that issue by regressing measures of issue salience from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the Manifesto Project on our CCS measure of heterogeneity. Problems of elite surveys notwithstanding, drawing on this data source seems a promising way to overcome the unitary party assumption.},
	number = {3},
	journal = {Party Politics},
	author = {Steiner, Nils D. and Mader, Matthias},
	month = may,
	year = {2019},
	note = {Publisher: SAGE Publications Ltd},
	keywords = {elite surveys, ideology, intra-party heterogeneity, issue attention, party positions},
	pages = {336--348},
}

Quantitative research on party politics often has to assume that parties are unitary actors with homogeneous policy preferences simply because intra-party heterogeneity is difficult to measure. This article proposes a measure of preference heterogeneity based on surveys of party elites. We draw on Comparative Candidates Survey (CCS) data from 28 elections in 21 developed democracies to quantify intra-party heterogeneity and validate this measure. The usefulness of the measure is demonstrated by studying the effects of intra-party heterogeneity on issue salience. We find support for the hypothesis that heterogeneity regarding a policy issue tends to be negatively associated with the emphasis a party places on that issue by regressing measures of issue salience from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the Manifesto Project on our CCS measure of heterogeneity. Problems of elite surveys notwithstanding, drawing on this data source seems a promising way to overcome the unitary party assumption.

@article{chiru_cheap_2018,
	title = {Cheap {Talk} or {Proper} {Signaling}? {Styles} of {Campaigning} and {Engagement} in {Constituency} {Service}},
	volume = {99},
	issn = {00384941},
	url = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/ssqu.12404},
	doi = {10.1111/ssqu.12404},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2019-05-04},
	journal = {Social Science Quarterly},
	author = {Chiru, Mihail},
	month = mar,
	year = {2018},
	pages = {283--295},
}

@article{schumacher_party_2018,
	title = {Party performance explains disagreement between politicians and their parties},
	volume = {41},
	issn = {17439655},
	doi = {10.1080/01402382.2017.1359013},
	abstract = {Are politicians more likely to disagree with their party after an electoral defeat or during a spell in opposition? If so, are they likely to advocate a more moderate or a more radical position than their party? In order to evaluate this, the article analyses the absolute distance between candidates for parliament and their parties on the left–right dimension. The sample used consists of 5614 politicians from 11 countries (Comparative Candidate Survey). Controlling for party system differences and individual characteristics, the results demonstrate that politicians take more moderate positions than their party after an electoral defeat. Also politicians of government parties are surprisingly more likely to disagree than politicians of opposition parties. These results overlap with predictions of party position shifts and inform the discussion on how intra-party dynamics bring about changes in party position. In addition, the article finds evidence of loss aversion, and differences in the responsiveness of elite and non-elite candidates. KEYWORDS},
	number = {2},
	journal = {West European Politics},
	author = {Schumacher, Gijs and Elmelund-Præstekær, Christian},
	month = mar,
	year = {2018},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge},
	keywords = {Party positions, candidates, electoral performance, intra-party politics, intra-party unity},
	pages = {329--349},
}

Are politicians more likely to disagree with their party after an electoral defeat or during a spell in opposition? If so, are they likely to advocate a more moderate or a more radical position than their party? In order to evaluate this, the article analyses the absolute distance between candidates for parliament and their parties on the left–right dimension. The sample used consists of 5614 politicians from 11 countries (Comparative Candidate Survey). Controlling for party system differences and individual characteristics, the results demonstrate that politicians take more moderate positions than their party after an electoral defeat. Also politicians of government parties are surprisingly more likely to disagree than politicians of opposition parties. These results overlap with predictions of party position shifts and inform the discussion on how intra-party dynamics bring about changes in party position. In addition, the article finds evidence of loss aversion, and differences in the responsiveness of elite and non-elite candidates. KEYWORDS

@article{Andreadis2018a,
	title = {Validating and {Improving} {Voting} {Advice} {Applications}: {Estimating} {Party} {Positions} {Using} {Candidate} {Surveys}},
	volume = {9},
	issn = {2151-7509},
	url = {http://www.degruyter.com/view/j/spp.ahead-of-print/spp-2018-0012/spp-2018-0012.xml},
	doi = {10.1515/spp-2018-0012},
	abstract = {Locating political parties correctly regarding different policy issues is not just crucial for research on parties, party competition, and many similar fields but also for the electorate. For the latter, it has become more and more important as the relevance of voting advice applications (VAA) has increased and as their main usage is to compare citizens’ policy preferences to the offer of political parties. However, if party positions are not adequately assigned, citizens are provided with suboptimal information which decreases the citizens’ capacities to make rational electoral decision. VAA designers follow different approaches to determining party positions. In this paper, we look beyond most common sources like electoral manifestos and expert judgments by using surveys of electoral candidates to validate and improve VAAs. We argue that by using positions derived from candidate surveys we get the information by the source itself, but at the same time we overcome most of the disadvantages of the other methods. Using data for the 2014 European Parliament election both in Greece and Germany, we show that while positions taken from the VAAs and from the candidate surveys do match more often than not, we also find substantive differences and even opposing positions. Moreover, these occasional differences have already rather severe consequences looking at calculated overlaps between citizens and parties as well as representations of the political competition space and party system polarization. These differences seem to be more pronounced in Greece. We conclude that candidate surveys are indeed a valid additional source to validate and improve VAAs.},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2019-03-12},
	journal = {Statistics, Politics and Policy},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Giebler, Heiko},
	month = dec,
	year = {2018},
	note = {Publisher: De Gruyter},
	pages = {135--160},
}

Locating political parties correctly regarding different policy issues is not just crucial for research on parties, party competition, and many similar fields but also for the electorate. For the latter, it has become more and more important as the relevance of voting advice applications (VAA) has increased and as their main usage is to compare citizens’ policy preferences to the offer of political parties. However, if party positions are not adequately assigned, citizens are provided with suboptimal information which decreases the citizens’ capacities to make rational electoral decision. VAA designers follow different approaches to determining party positions. In this paper, we look beyond most common sources like electoral manifestos and expert judgments by using surveys of electoral candidates to validate and improve VAAs. We argue that by using positions derived from candidate surveys we get the information by the source itself, but at the same time we overcome most of the disadvantages of the other methods. Using data for the 2014 European Parliament election both in Greece and Germany, we show that while positions taken from the VAAs and from the candidate surveys do match more often than not, we also find substantive differences and even opposing positions. Moreover, these occasional differences have already rather severe consequences looking at calculated overlaps between citizens and parties as well as representations of the political competition space and party system polarization. These differences seem to be more pronounced in Greece. We conclude that candidate surveys are indeed a valid additional source to validate and improve VAAs.

@article{pedrazzani_italian_2018,
	title = {Italian candidates under the {Rosato} law},
	volume = {13},
	issn = {2420-8434},
	abstract = {Candidates for public office are part of the politically 'active minority' that serve as a fundamental link between voters and the ruling class. The selection of candidates can also define the traits of political personnel in the major political institutions and, more in general, the very nature of democratic representation. The study of candidates is particularly interesting in the case of the 2018 Italian elections as it allows us to understand the extent to which Italian citizens are willing to run for office despite a negative climate towards politics, and despite parties' choices under the new mixed electoral system-the so-called 'Rosato law'. This article investigates a number of key characteristics of the Italian candidates running for a seat in the Chamber of Deputies in 2018 and compares them with those who stood for office in the past elections from 1976 onwards. In particular, we focus on the following aspects: the overall number of candidacies and party lists, the use of multiple candidacies by different parties, and some relevant traits of candidates such as their age, gender and past experience as candidates. Results highlight the impact of the new electoral institutions, as in 2018 the overall number of Italian candidates and lists has decreased if compared to the 2013 elections. However, the new rules have not substantially reduced the number of those who run for office without any reasonable possibility of obtaining a parliamentary seat. In addition, the population of Italian would-be deputies has become more balanced in terms of gender-though not any younger-and the turnover rate among Italian candidates seems to be somewhat lower than in 2013. Furthermore, moving from 2013 to 2018, the leaders of Italian parties have made more moderate use of multiple candidacies as a tool for controlling party members. In the last elections, multiple candidacies were employed mostly for safeguarding the election of some prominent politicians.},
	number = {1},
	journal = {Italian Political Science},
	author = {Pedrazzani, Andrea and Pinto, Luca and Segatti, Paolo},
	year = {2018},
	pages = {19--35},
}

Candidates for public office are part of the politically 'active minority' that serve as a fundamental link between voters and the ruling class. The selection of candidates can also define the traits of political personnel in the major political institutions and, more in general, the very nature of democratic representation. The study of candidates is particularly interesting in the case of the 2018 Italian elections as it allows us to understand the extent to which Italian citizens are willing to run for office despite a negative climate towards politics, and despite parties' choices under the new mixed electoral system-the so-called 'Rosato law'. This article investigates a number of key characteristics of the Italian candidates running for a seat in the Chamber of Deputies in 2018 and compares them with those who stood for office in the past elections from 1976 onwards. In particular, we focus on the following aspects: the overall number of candidacies and party lists, the use of multiple candidacies by different parties, and some relevant traits of candidates such as their age, gender and past experience as candidates. Results highlight the impact of the new electoral institutions, as in 2018 the overall number of Italian candidates and lists has decreased if compared to the 2013 elections. However, the new rules have not substantially reduced the number of those who run for office without any reasonable possibility of obtaining a parliamentary seat. In addition, the population of Italian would-be deputies has become more balanced in terms of gender-though not any younger-and the turnover rate among Italian candidates seems to be somewhat lower than in 2013. Furthermore, moving from 2013 to 2018, the leaders of Italian parties have made more moderate use of multiple candidacies as a tool for controlling party members. In the last elections, multiple candidacies were employed mostly for safeguarding the election of some prominent politicians.

@article{verge_gendered_2018,
	title = {Gendered political resources: {The} case of party office},
	volume = {24},
	issn = {14603683},
	doi = {10.1177/1354068816663040},
	abstract = {Party office is a crucial political resource for those seeking a political career. It provides advantageous access to the distribution of the patronage parties are entitled to in party government democracies. This article aims at measuring this comparative advantage while simultaneously investigating whether it benefits women and men equally in political recruitment processes. We concentrate on viable candidacy for parliamentary office, ministerial appointments, as well as post-ministerial offices in public and semi-public life that are also in the hands of political parties to distribute. Our cross-national analysis of advanced industrial democracies shows that men are much more likely than women to benefit from holding party office in their ascendant political careers, even when controlling for other political resources, sociodemographic factors and country-level variables. This suggests that party office is a gendered political resource and that gender power dynamics are deeply entrenched in political parties.},
	number = {5},
	journal = {Party Politics},
	author = {Verge, Tània and Claveria, Sílvia},
	month = sep,
	year = {2018},
	note = {Publisher: SAGE Publications Ltd},
	keywords = {gender power, party patronage, political parties, political recruitment, women’s representation},
	pages = {536--548},
}

Party office is a crucial political resource for those seeking a political career. It provides advantageous access to the distribution of the patronage parties are entitled to in party government democracies. This article aims at measuring this comparative advantage while simultaneously investigating whether it benefits women and men equally in political recruitment processes. We concentrate on viable candidacy for parliamentary office, ministerial appointments, as well as post-ministerial offices in public and semi-public life that are also in the hands of political parties to distribute. Our cross-national analysis of advanced industrial democracies shows that men are much more likely than women to benefit from holding party office in their ascendant political careers, even when controlling for other political resources, sociodemographic factors and country-level variables. This suggests that party office is a gendered political resource and that gender power dynamics are deeply entrenched in political parties.

@article{Andreadis2017a,
	title = {European {Populist} {Parties} in {Government}: {How} {Well} are {Voters} {Represented}? {Evidence} from {Greece}},
	volume = {23},
	issn = {14247755},
	url = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/spsr.12255},
	doi = {10.1111/spsr.12255},
	abstract = {© 2017 Swiss Political Science Association. In this paper we focus on the two populist parties, one radical left and one radical right, that have formed a coalition government after the January 2015 elections in Greece: SYRIZA and Independent Greeks (ANEL). Using data from the Greek Candidate Study 2015 and the Greek Voter Study 2015 we study the congruence between party voters and party elites for these two parties, also comparing them with mainstream, non-populist parties. Employing a slightly modified ?many to many' approach, we measure congruence on a variety of issues (economic policy, austerity, Euroscepticism, immigration, law and order) and ideological divides (left/right, populism/anti-populism) in order to assess the factors explaining the paradoxical resilience of Greek populism in power. The evidence generated can help us account for the trajectory of political antagonism in the Greek context throughout 2015 and in drawing some broader conclusions and challenges for future populism research.},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2017-06-07},
	journal = {Swiss Political Science Review},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Stavrakakis, Yannis},
	month = jun,
	year = {2017},
	keywords = {Congruence, Greece, Populism, Representation, Voting behavior},
	pages = {485--508},
}

© 2017 Swiss Political Science Association. In this paper we focus on the two populist parties, one radical left and one radical right, that have formed a coalition government after the January 2015 elections in Greece: SYRIZA and Independent Greeks (ANEL). Using data from the Greek Candidate Study 2015 and the Greek Voter Study 2015 we study the congruence between party voters and party elites for these two parties, also comparing them with mainstream, non-populist parties. Employing a slightly modified ?many to many' approach, we measure congruence on a variety of issues (economic policy, austerity, Euroscepticism, immigration, law and order) and ideological divides (left/right, populism/anti-populism) in order to assess the factors explaining the paradoxical resilience of Greek populism in power. The evidence generated can help us account for the trajectory of political antagonism in the Greek context throughout 2015 and in drawing some broader conclusions and challenges for future populism research.

@book{Freire2016,
	title = {Political {Representation} in {Times} of {Bailout}},
	isbn = {978-1-315-67526-8},
	url = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/9781315675268},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	editor = {Freire, André and Lisi, Marco and Andreadis, Ioannis and Leite, José Manuel},
	month = oct,
	year = {2017},
	doi = {10.4324/9781315675268},
}

@article{lloren_gendered_2017,
	title = {Gendered policy preferences? {Candidates}’ views on political issues in a comparative perspective},
	volume = {15},
	url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1057/cep.2015.4},
	doi = {10.1057/cep.2015.4},
	number = {6},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	journal = {Comparative European Politics},
	author = {Lloren, Anouk and Rosset, Jan},
	year = {2017},
	pages = {944--968},
}

@article{Stavrakakis2017,
	title = {A new populism index at work: identifying populist candidates and parties in the contemporary {Greek} context},
	volume = {18},
	issn = {2374-5118},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/23745118.2016.1261434},
	doi = {10.1080/23745118.2016.1261434},
	abstract = {ABSTRACTInterrogating available indexes from a discourse-theoretical point of view, this paper utilizes a reformulated populism index in order to identify populist parties. In particular, the index is applied in a candidate survey carried out in Greece in 2015. Findings indicate that this index allows for a clear differentiation between populist and non-populist parties. Based on candidate attitudes, SYRIZA and ANEL belong to the first group whereas New Democracy, PASOK and River to the second. The examination of additional survey items reveals a clear ideological division within the populist camp: right-wing populism is exclusionary, while left-wing populism more inclusive and pluralist.},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2018-01-16},
	journal = {European Politics and Society},
	author = {Stavrakakis, Yannis and Andreadis, Ioannis and Katsambekis, Giorgos},
	month = nov,
	year = {2017},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge},
	keywords = {Candidates, Greece, discourse, populism, surveys},
	pages = {446--464},
}

ABSTRACTInterrogating available indexes from a discourse-theoretical point of view, this paper utilizes a reformulated populism index in order to identify populist parties. In particular, the index is applied in a candidate survey carried out in Greece in 2015. Findings indicate that this index allows for a clear differentiation between populist and non-populist parties. Based on candidate attitudes, SYRIZA and ANEL belong to the first group whereas New Democracy, PASOK and River to the second. The examination of additional survey items reveals a clear ideological division within the populist camp: right-wing populism is exclusionary, while left-wing populism more inclusive and pluralist.

@inproceedings{andreadis_conducting_2016,
	address = {University Donja Gorica, Podgorica, 1-2 July 2016},
	title = {Conducting a {Candidate} {Study} as a {Web}-{Survey}. {Advantages}, {Challenges} and {Best} {Practices}.},
	booktitle = {1st {BCES} {International} {Scientific} {Conference}},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Kartsounidou, Evangelia},
	year = {2016},
	note = {Issue: July},
	keywords = {candidate study, nonresponse, web survey design, web surveys},
	pages = {1--2},
}

@book{di_virgilio_rappresentanza_2016,
	address = {Bologna},
	title = {La rappresentanza politica in {Italia} : candidati ed elettori nelle elezioni politiche del 2013},
	isbn = {978-88-15-25807-6},
	url = {https://air.unimi.it/handle/2434/425760#.XNGNVHX7TCJ},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	publisher = {Il mulino},
	author = {Di Virgilio, Aldo and Segatti, Paolo},
	year = {2016},
}

@inproceedings{giannetti_mapping_2016,
	address = {Prague},
	title = {Mapping {European} parties’ policy positions by using data from the {Comparative} {Candidates} {Survey}.},
	booktitle = {X {ECPR} {General} {Conference}},
	author = {Giannetti, Daniela and Pinto, Luca.},
	year = {2016},
}

@book{freire_participacao_2016,
	address = {Lisboa},
	title = {Participação e {Representação} {Políticas} na {Europa} em {Crise}},
	url = {https://scholar.google.gr/scholar?hl=en&as_sdt=0%2C5&q=Participa%C3%A7%C3%A3o+e+Representa%C3%A7%C3%A3o+Pol%C3%ADticas+na+Europa+em+Crise%2C+Lisboa&btnG=#d=gs_cit&u=%252Fscholar%253Fq%253Dinfo%253A1A9Zx59CTRUJ%253Ascholar.google.com%252F%2526output%253Dcite%2526scirp%253D0%252},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	publisher = {Assembleia da República, Coleção Parlamento},
	author = {Freire, A and Lisi, M and Viegas, JM},
	year = {2016},
}

@inproceedings{andreadis_using_2015,
	address = {London},
	title = {Using {Surveys} to {Measure} the {Populist} {Attitudes} of {Political} {Elites} and {Voters}: {A} {Greek} {Pilot} {Study} of {Supply} and {Demand}},
	url = {http://ikee.lib.auth.gr/record/276263/?ln=en},
	urldate = {2018-12-13},
	booktitle = {Team {Populism} {Conference} ‘{Solving} the {Puzzles} of {Populism}’},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Stavrakakis, Yannis and Katsambekis, Giorgos},
	year = {2015},
	keywords = {Political Science},
}

@article{chiru_choosing_2015,
	title = {Choosing your own {Boss}: {Variations} of {Representation} {Foci} in {Mixed} {Electoral} {Systems}},
	volume = {21},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13572334.2015.1077025},
	doi = {10.1080/13572334.2015.1077025},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	journal = {The Journal of Legislative Studies},
	author = {Chiru, Mihail and Enyedi, Zsolt},
	year = {2015},
	pages = {495--514},
}

@article{de_winter_candidate_2015,
	title = {Candidate centred campaigning in a party centred context: {The} case of {Belgium}},
	volume = {39},
	url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379414000468},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	journal = {Electoral Studies},
	author = {De Winter, L and Baudewyns, P},
	year = {2015},
	pages = {295--305},
}

@inproceedings{Andreadis2015j,
	address = {Thessaloniki},
	title = {Estimating the position of political parties: comparison between an expert survey and a candidate survey},
	abstract = {Presented at the Workshop on using Expert Judgement, Malta: 7 - 9 October 2015 and at the NECE conference, Thessaloniki 22 - 24 October 2015},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	booktitle = {{NECE} conference},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
	year = {2015},
}

Presented at the Workshop on using Expert Judgement, Malta: 7 - 9 October 2015 and at the NECE conference, Thessaloniki 22 - 24 October 2015

@article{chiru_multiple_2015,
	title = {Multiple {Candidacies} and the {Role} of the {Lowest} {Electoral} {Tier} for {Individualized} {Campaigning}},
	volume = {29},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0888325415569761},
	doi = {10.1177/0888325415569761},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	journal = {East European Politics and Societies},
	author = {Chiru, Mihail},
	year = {2015},
	pages = {892--914},
}

@book{freire_political_2015,
	title = {Political {Representation} in {Portugal}: {The} {Years} of the {Socialist} {Majority}, 2005-2009},
	url = {https://www.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=Zi3_BwAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PT26&dq=Political+Representation+in+Portugal:+The+Years+of+the+Socialist+Majority,+2005-2009&ots=svnyE5hWzM&sig=Jq_k1MyU2yxb5AV0LqwE7ukwH1w},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	publisher = {Leya},
	author = {Freire, A and Viegas, J.M.L.},
	year = {2015},
}

@book{freire_crise_2015,
	address = {Lisboa},
	title = {Crise económica, políticas de austeridade e representação política},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	publisher = {Assembleia da República.},
	author = {Freire, A. and Lisi, M. and Viegas, J.M.L.},
	year = {2015},
}

@article{selb_lone_2015,
	title = {Lone fighters: {Intraparty} competition, interparty competition, and candidates' vote seeking efforts in open-ballot {PR} elections},
	volume = {39},
	url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379414000493},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	journal = {Electoral Studies},
	author = {Selb, P. and Lutz, G.},
	year = {2015},
	pages = {329--337},
}

@article{DiVirgilio2015,
	title = {Candidates in 2013 {Italian} general election: evidence from the {Italian} {Candidate} {Survey}},
	volume = {45},
	issn = {0048-8402},
	url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0048840215000155/type/journal_article},
	doi = {10.1017/ipo.2015.15},
	abstract = {Changes in electoral politics in contemporary democracies have contributed to shifting the focus of research from parties to individual candidates. The 2013 Italian Candidate Survey (ICS) has collected original survey data with the aim of gaining new insights into the role of political elites, looking in particular at the candidates running for office in the last Italian general election. Based on interviews with individual candidates, the ICS provides a tool for analysing party members; and for comparing them with voters in several ways. In this paper, we spell out the main features of our research that was conducted within the framework of a larger project that examined political representation in Italy between 2013 and 2015. Moreover, we offer three examples of potential applications of ICS data. First, we present a model of political representation favoured by Italian candidates that matches with a well-known typology of political representation. Second, we utilize our ICS data to estimate candidates’ policy preferences and to assess the level of congruence with their voters. Finally, by comparing the distribution of candidates’ self-placements and their own party mean position on the left-right scale, we show how our data can be used to explore intra-party cohesion.},
	number = {3},
	urldate = {2019-05-04},
	journal = {Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica},
	author = {Di Virgilio, Aldo and Giannetti, Daniela and Pedrazzani, Andrea and Pinto, Luca},
	month = nov,
	year = {2015},
	pages = {317--342},
}

Changes in electoral politics in contemporary democracies have contributed to shifting the focus of research from parties to individual candidates. The 2013 Italian Candidate Survey (ICS) has collected original survey data with the aim of gaining new insights into the role of political elites, looking in particular at the candidates running for office in the last Italian general election. Based on interviews with individual candidates, the ICS provides a tool for analysing party members; and for comparing them with voters in several ways. In this paper, we spell out the main features of our research that was conducted within the framework of a larger project that examined political representation in Italy between 2013 and 2015. Moreover, we offer three examples of potential applications of ICS data. First, we present a model of political representation favoured by Italian candidates that matches with a well-known typology of political representation. Second, we utilize our ICS data to estimate candidates’ policy preferences and to assess the level of congruence with their voters. Finally, by comparing the distribution of candidates’ self-placements and their own party mean position on the left-right scale, we show how our data can be used to explore intra-party cohesion.

@inproceedings{Kartsounidou2015,
	address = {Thessaloniki},
	title = {Increasing the response rate of the {Comparative} {Candidate} {Survey}},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	booktitle = {{DSC22015}},
	author = {Kartsounidou, E and Andreadis, Ioannis},
	year = {2015},
}

@article{zittel_constituency_2015,
	title = {Constituency candidates in comparative perspective–{How} personalized are constituency campaigns, why, and does it matter?},
	volume = {39},
	url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379414000456},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	journal = {Electoral Studies},
	author = {Zittel, T},
	year = {2015},
	pages = {286--294},
}

@article{Freire2014a,
	title = {Political {Representation} in {Bailed}-out {Southern} {Europe}: {Greece} and {Portugal} {Compared}},
	volume = {19},
	issn = {1360-8746},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2014.984381},
	doi = {10.1080/13608746.2014.984381},
	abstract = {The emergence of the economic and financial crisis has already shown important electoral and political consequences in southern Europe. Drawing on the experience of two bailed-out countries, Greece and Portugal, we use original data collected before and after 2008 to examine how patterns of political representation have changed during this period. We argue that austerity measures have significantly affected the way MPs represent their electorates, namely in terms of policy congruence. In addition, the economic crisis has also deepened the legitimacy crisis in both countries. Finally, we find that the short-term impact of the crisis has had a greater impact on voters' attitudes than on those of their representatives.},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2017-03-17},
	journal = {South European Society and Politics},
	author = {Freire, André and Lisi, Marco and Andreadis, Ioannis and Leite Viegas, J.M. José Manuel},
	month = oct,
	year = {2014},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge},
	keywords = {Austerity Policies, Bailouts, Economic Crisis, Greece, Political Representation, Portugal},
	pages = {413--433},
}

The emergence of the economic and financial crisis has already shown important electoral and political consequences in southern Europe. Drawing on the experience of two bailed-out countries, Greece and Portugal, we use original data collected before and after 2008 to examine how patterns of political representation have changed during this period. We argue that austerity measures have significantly affected the way MPs represent their electorates, namely in terms of policy congruence. In addition, the economic crisis has also deepened the legitimacy crisis in both countries. Finally, we find that the short-term impact of the crisis has had a greater impact on voters' attitudes than on those of their representatives.

@article{Onnudottir2014,
	title = {Policy {Congruence} and {Style} of {Representation}: {Party} {Voters} and {Political} {Parties}},
	volume = {37},
	issn = {17439655},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01402382.2013.841057},
	doi = {10.1080/01402382.2013.841057},
	abstract = {This article focuses on whether styles of representation influence policy congruence. Style of representation is defined at the party level as the proportion of representatives within parties who are partisans, delegates or trustees. Policy congruence refers to how close on the left--right scale the mean position of a party as placed by its candidates is compared to that of party voters. The article concludes that where there are higher proportions of trustees within parties, there is a greater degree of policy congruence, whereas a higher proportion of partisans results in less policy congruence. The proportion of delegates has no significant impact on congruence after taking account of other party and country measures. This indicates that party constraints on representatives are applied at the cost of congruence with voters, and that when representatives enjoy more flexibility to follow their own opinions, the party displays greater congruence with its own voters.},
	number = {3},
	urldate = {2017-03-17},
	journal = {West European Politics},
	author = {Önnudóttir, Eva H.},
	month = may,
	year = {2014},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge},
	pages = {538--563},
}

This article focuses on whether styles of representation influence policy congruence. Style of representation is defined at the party level as the proportion of representatives within parties who are partisans, delegates or trustees. Policy congruence refers to how close on the left–right scale the mean position of a party as placed by its candidates is compared to that of party voters. The article concludes that where there are higher proportions of trustees within parties, there is a greater degree of policy congruence, whereas a higher proportion of partisans results in less policy congruence. The proportion of delegates has no significant impact on congruence after taking account of other party and country measures. This indicates that party constraints on representatives are applied at the cost of congruence with voters, and that when representatives enjoy more flexibility to follow their own opinions, the party displays greater congruence with its own voters.

@article{freire_awakening_2014,
	title = {Awakening the {Sleeping} {Giant} in {Greece} and {Portugal}? {Elites}' and {Voters}' {Attitudes} towards {EU} {Integration} in {Difficult} {Economic} {Times}},
	volume = {19},
	issn = {1360-8746},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2014.983311},
	doi = {10.1080/13608746.2014.983311},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	journal = {South European Society and Politics},
	author = {Freire, André and Teperoglou, Eftichia and Moury, Catherine},
	month = oct,
	year = {2014},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge},
	pages = {477--499},
}

@article{Teperoglou2014,
	title = {Elites' and {Voters}' {Attitudes} towards {Austerity} {Policies} and their {Consequences} in {Greece} and {Portugal}},
	volume = {19},
	issn = {1360-8746},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2014.983306},
	doi = {10.1080/13608746.2014.983306},
	abstract = {© 2014 Taylor \& Francis. This article analyses the attitudes of the political elite and voters in Greece and Portugal vis-à-vis the Troika bailouts, austerity policies and the attribution of responsibilities for the crisis. Using both elite and mass surveys with similar questions, the article explores to what extent the elites and voters share similar attitudes, what might explain possible differences between these two groups and between the two countries and what this information can tell us about the quality of political representation in Greece and Portugal. The differences between the countries are explained mainly by the severity of the crisis and austerity policies in each country, but also by the diversity of political conditions.},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2017-03-17},
	journal = {South European Society and Politics},
	author = {Teperoglou, Eftichia and Freire, André and Andreadis, Ioannis and Leite Viegas, J.M. José Manuel},
	month = oct,
	year = {2014},
	keywords = {Austerity Policies, Bailouts, Economic Crisis, Greece, Political Representation, Portugal},
	pages = {457--476},
}

© 2014 Taylor & Francis. This article analyses the attitudes of the political elite and voters in Greece and Portugal vis-à-vis the Troika bailouts, austerity policies and the attribution of responsibilities for the crisis. Using both elite and mass surveys with similar questions, the article explores to what extent the elites and voters share similar attitudes, what might explain possible differences between these two groups and between the two countries and what this information can tell us about the quality of political representation in Greece and Portugal. The differences between the countries are explained mainly by the severity of the crisis and austerity policies in each country, but also by the diversity of political conditions.

@techreport{trumm_comparative_2014,
	title = {A {Comparative} {Study} of the {Effects} of {Electoral} {Institutions} on {Campaigns}},
	abstract = {A long tradition of studies in political science has unveiled the effects of electoral institutions on party systems and parliamentary representation. Yet their effects on campaign activities remain overlooked. Research in this tradition still lacks a strong comparative element able to explore the nuanced role of electoral institutions in shaping individual-level campaigns during first-order parliamentary elections. This study uses data from a variety of national candidate studies to address this lacuna , and shows that the structure of electoral institutions affects the electoral mobilization efforts put in place by candidates. Candidate-centred electoral systems incentivize more intense and complex mobilization efforts, and shift the campaign focus towards individuals rather than parties. By directly addressing the effects of electoral institutions on campaign behaviour, this study contributes to the wider debate on their role in promoting political engagement and mobilization. These results indicate that electoral institutions affect political competition much more than previously thought.},
	author = {Trumm, Siim and Sudulich, Maria Laura},
	year = {2014},
	doi = {10.2139/ssrn.2385892},
	note = {Publication Title: SSRN},
	keywords = {campaign means, campaign style, electoral institutions, party-candidate relations},
}

A long tradition of studies in political science has unveiled the effects of electoral institutions on party systems and parliamentary representation. Yet their effects on campaign activities remain overlooked. Research in this tradition still lacks a strong comparative element able to explore the nuanced role of electoral institutions in shaping individual-level campaigns during first-order parliamentary elections. This study uses data from a variety of national candidate studies to address this lacuna , and shows that the structure of electoral institutions affects the electoral mobilization efforts put in place by candidates. Candidate-centred electoral systems incentivize more intense and complex mobilization efforts, and shift the campaign focus towards individuals rather than parties. By directly addressing the effects of electoral institutions on campaign behaviour, this study contributes to the wider debate on their role in promoting political engagement and mobilization. These results indicate that electoral institutions affect political competition much more than previously thought.

@incollection{schmitt_nationale_2013,
	address = {Wiesbaden},
	title = {Nationale {Parteien} oder lokale {Kandidaten}? {Eine} {Analyse} ihrer elektoralen {Orientierungsleistungen} bei der {Bundestagswahl} 2009},
	url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-3-658-01328-8_23},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	booktitle = {Wahlen und {Wähler}},
	publisher = {Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden},
	author = {Schmitt, Hermann},
	year = {2013},
	doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-01328-8_23},
	pages = {514--529},
}

@inproceedings{andreadis_measuring_2012,
	address = {Mannheim},
	title = {Measuring satisfaction with democracy among candidates: {What} is the effect of the electoral outcome?},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	booktitle = {2nd {Plenary} {Conference} of the {CCS}, {MZES}},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {pp. 27--29},
}

@inproceedings{teperoglou_investigating_2012,
	address = {Mannheim},
	title = {Investigating consensus versus conflict between the {Greek} and {Portuguese} political elites during the economic crisis: a matter of ideology?},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	booktitle = {nd {Plenary} {Conference} of the {CCS}, {MZES}},
	author = {Teperoglou, E and Andreadis, Ioannis},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {27--29},
}

@incollection{giebler_individuelle_2011,
	address = {Wiesbaden},
	title = {Individuelle {Wahlkämpfe} bei der {Europawahl} 2009: {Länderübergreifende} und ebenenspezifische {Befunde}},
	url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-3-531-93220-0_5},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	booktitle = {Superwahljahr 2009},
	publisher = {VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften},
	author = {Giebler, Heiko and Wüst, Andreas M.},
	year = {2011},
	doi = {10.1007/978-3-531-93220-0_5},
	pages = {121--152},
}

@article{karlsen_platform_2011,
	title = {A {Platform} for {Individualized} {Campaigning}? {Social} {Media} and {Parliamentary} {Candidates} in the 2009 {Norwegian} {Election} {Campaign}},
	volume = {3},
	url = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.2202/1944-2866.1137},
	doi = {10.2202/1944-2866.1137},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	journal = {Policy \& Internet},
	author = {Karlsen, Rune},
	year = {2011},
	pages = {1--25},
}

@incollection{gschwend_machen_2011,
	title = {Machen {Wahlkreiskandidaten} einen {Unterschied}? {Die} {Persönlichkeitswahl} als interaktiver {Prozess}},
	url = {http://www.nomos-elibrary.de/index.php?doi=10.5771/9783845262178_378},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	booktitle = {Wählen in {Deutschland}},
	publisher = {Nomos},
	author = {Gschwend, Thomas and Zittel, Thomas},
	year = {2011},
	doi = {10.5771/9783845262178_378},
	pages = {378--399},
}

@article{meirinho_candidatos_2011,
	title = {Candidatos, {Eleitores} e {Campanhas} {Eleitorais}: {As} {Eleições} {Legislativas} de 2009 em {Perspectiva}},
	volume = {2},
	journal = {Revista de Ciências Sociais e Políticas/Journal of Social and Political Sciences},
	author = {Meirinho, Manuel and Freire, André and Teixeira, C. P. and Leite Viegas, J. M.},
	year = {2011},
	pages = {1--149},
}

@inproceedings{lutz_personal_2010,
	title = {Personal vote seeking and district magnitude in open list {PR} systems. {Evidence} from {Switzerland}},
	booktitle = {Candidates in {Constituency} {Campaigns} from a {Comparative} {Perspective}"},
	author = {Lutz, Georg and Selb, Peter},
	year = {2010},
}

@inproceedings{schmitt_national_2010,
	address = {Lawrence},
	title = {National parties or local candidates? {An} assessment of {German} voters' choice options in the {Bundestag} election of 2009},
	booktitle = {German {Bundestags} election 2009},
	author = {Schmitt, Hermann},
	year = {2010},
}

@inproceedings{schmitt_determinants_2010,
	address = {Gothenburg},
	title = {Determinants of non-response to the open-ended question on the meaning of left and right: {A} comparison of political elites and the mass public in {Germany}.},
	booktitle = {{ISA} {Conference}},
	author = {Schmitt, Hermann and Scholz, Evi and Züll, Conny},
	year = {2010},
}

@article{teperoglou_cleavages_2010,
	title = {Cleavages of {Voters} and {Candidates} in the {National} and the {European} {Dimension}: {Convergences} and {Divergences}},
	volume = {25},
	journal = {Science and Society–Journal of Political and Moral Theory},
	author = {Teperoglou, E. and Chadjipadelis, T. and Andreadis, Ioannis},
	year = {2010},
	pages = {37--63},
}

@inproceedings{cross_constituency_2009,
	title = {Constituency {Campaigning} in {Canada}},
	booktitle = {Candidates in {Constituency} {Campaigns} from a {Comparative} {Perspective}},
	author = {Cross, William},
	year = {2009},
}

@inproceedings{arter_when_2009,
	title = {When do individual candidates individualise their constituency campaigns? {Reflections} from the {Finnish} experience},
	booktitle = {Candidates in {Constituency} {Campaigns} from a {Comparative} {Perspective}},
	author = {Arter, David},
	year = {2009},
}

@inproceedings{de_winter_belgian_2009,
	title = {Belgian candidates in search of a constituency},
	booktitle = {Candidates in {Constituency} {Campaigns} from a {Comparative} {Perspective}},
	author = {De Winter, Lieven},
	year = {2009},
}

@inproceedings{eder_party_2009,
	title = {Party {Democracy} and {Individualized} {Constituency} {Campaigning}: {Candidates} {Strategies} and {Behavior} in the 2006 {Austrian} {Elections}},
	booktitle = {Candidates in {Constituency} {Campaigns} from a {Comparative} {Perspective}},
	author = {Eder, Nikolaus and Marcello, Jenny and Müller, W. C.},
	year = {2009},
}

@book{freire_representacao_2009,
	address = {Lisboa},
	title = {Representação {Política}. {O} {Caso} {Português} em {Perspectiva} {Comparada}},
	publisher = {Sextante.},
	author = {Freire, André and Leite Viegas, José Manuel},
	year = {2009},
}

@inproceedings{marsh_constituency_2009,
	title = {Constituency campaigning in {Ireland} under {STV}: {The} candidate's perspective},
	booktitle = {Candidates in {Constituency} {Campaigns} from a {Comparative} {Perspective}},
	author = {Marsh, Michael},
	year = {2009},
}

@article{zittel_lost_2009,
	title = {Lost in {Technology}? {Political} {Parties} and the {Online} {Campaigns} of {Constituency} {Candidates} in {Germany}'s {Mixed} {Member} {Electoral} {System}},
	volume = {6},
	issn = {1933-1681},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/19331680903048832},
	doi = {10.1080/19331680903048832},
	number = {3-4},
	urldate = {2019-05-09},
	journal = {Journal of Information Technology \& Politics},
	author = {Zittel, Thomas},
	month = jul,
	year = {2009},
	pages = {298--311},
}

@inproceedings{denver_is_2009,
	title = {Is there a way forward for the study of constituency campaigning in {Britain}?},
	booktitle = {Candidates in {Constituency} {Campaigns} from a {Comparative} {Perspective}},
	author = {Denver, David},
	year = {2009},
}

@book{freire_representacao_2009-1,
	address = {Lisboa},
	title = {Representação {Política} em {Portugal}. {Inquéritos} e {Bases} de {Dados}},
	publisher = {Sextante},
	author = {Freire, André and Leite Viegas, José Manuel and {Filipa Seiceira}},
	year = {2009},
}

@article{wust_bundestagskandidaten_2009,
	title = {Bundestagskandidaten und {Einwanderungspolitik}: {Eine} {Analyse} zentraler {Policy}-{Aspekt}},
	volume = {19},
	url = {https://www.mzes.uni-mannheim.de/d7/de/publications/journal-article/bundestagskandidaten-und-einwanderungspolitik-eine-analyse-zentraler-policy-aspekte},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2019-05-09},
	journal = {Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft},
	author = {Wüst, A. M.},
	year = {2009},
	pages = {77--105},
}

@incollection{wust_zur_2009,
	address = {Wiesbaden},
	title = {Zur {Sozialisation} von {Neuparlamentariern} im 15. {Deutschen} {Bundestag}},
	url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-3-531-91666-8_13},
	urldate = {2019-05-09},
	booktitle = {Wahlen und {Wähler}},
	publisher = {VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften},
	author = {Wüst, Andreas M.},
	year = {2009},
	doi = {10.1007/978-3-531-91666-8_13},
	pages = {328--345},
}

@inproceedings{Andreadis2008,
	address = {Swansea, UK},
	title = {Characteristics of {Greek} {Parliament} candidates},
	urldate = {2019-05-09},
	booktitle = {58th {Political} {Studies} {Association} {Annual} {Conference} "{Democracy}, {Governance} and {Conflict}: {Dilemmas} of {Theory} and {Practice}"},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Chadjipadelis, Theodore},
	year = {2008},
}

@article{Zittel2008,
	title = {Individualised {Constituency} {Campaigns} in {Mixed}-{Member} {Electoral} {Systems}: {Candidates} in the 2005 {German} {Elections}},
	volume = {31},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01402380802234656},
	doi = {10.1080/01402380802234656},
	number = {5},
	urldate = {2019-05-09},
	journal = {West European Politics},
	author = {Zittel, Thomas and Gschwend, Thomas},
	month = sep,
	year = {2008},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge},
	pages = {978--1003},
}

@incollection{zittel_bundestagswahlkampf_2007,
	address = {Wiesbaden},
	title = {Der {Bundestagswahlkampf} von 2005 und {Kollektive} {Repräsentation}: {Ein} kurzer {Auftakt} zum langen {Abschied}?},
	url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-3-531-90536-5_6},
	urldate = {2019-05-09},
	booktitle = {Die {Bundestagswahl} 2005},
	publisher = {VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften},
	author = {Zittel, Thomas and Gschwend, Thomas},
	year = {2007},
	doi = {10.1007/978-3-531-90536-5_6},
	pages = {119--144},
}

@article{zittel_individualisierte_2007,
	title = {Individualisierte {Wahlkämpfe} im {Wahlkreis}. {Eine} {Analyse} am {Beispiel} des {Bundestagswahlkampfes} von 2005},
	volume = {48},
	issn = {0032-3470},
	url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11615-007-0048-z},
	doi = {10.1007/s11615-007-0048-z},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2019-05-09},
	journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift},
	author = {Zittel, Thomas and Gschwend, Thomas},
	month = jun,
	year = {2007},
	pages = {293--321},
}

@article{wust_wahlverhalten_2006,
	title = {Wahlverhalten und politische {Repräsentation} von {Migranten}},
	volume = {56},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2019-05-09},
	journal = {Der Bürger im Staat},
	author = {Wüst, A. M.},
	year = {2006},
	pages = {228--234},
}

@article{Wust2006,
	title = {Candidates in the 2005 {Bundestag} election: {Mode} of candidacy, campaigning and issues},
	volume = {15},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09644000601062576},
	doi = {10.1080/09644000601062576},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2019-05-09},
	journal = {German Politics},
	author = {Wüst, A. M. and Schmitt, H. and Gschwend, T. and Zittel, T.},
	month = dec,
	year = {2006},
	pages = {420--438},
}

@incollection{zittel_comparative_2006,
	address = {Oxford},
	title = {Comparative {Legislative} {Behavior}},
	booktitle = {Oxford {Handbook} of {Political} {Institutions}},
	publisher = {Oxford: Oxford University Press.},
	author = {Zittel, Thomas},
	editor = {Rod A.W. Rhodes, Sara Binder, Bert Rockman},
	year = {2006},
}