@book{
 title = {Candidates, Parties and Voters in the Belgian Partitocracy},
 type = {book},
 year = {2019},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 websites = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-3-319-96460-7},
 publisher = {Springer International Publishing},
 city = {Cham},
 editors = {[object Object],[object Object],[object Object]},
 id = {9c3e6a2b-541d-3e32-94d9-1ad080ba2533},
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 accessed = {2019-05-04},
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@misc{
 title = {Personal ambitions, expertise and parties' control: Understanding committee assignment in the Italian chamber of deputies},
 type = {misc},
 year = {2019},
 source = {Parliamentary Affairs},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Committee assignment,Italian parliament,Legislative committees,Legislative organisation,Party unity,Political parties},
 pages = {119-140},
 volume = {72},
 issue = {1},
 month = {1},
 publisher = {Oxford University Press},
 day = {1},
 id = {e5e13448-3dd5-3977-97d1-ffe62584246a},
 created = {2019-06-03T10:40:27.945Z},
 file_attached = {true},
 profile_id = {f33813ea-14de-3659-9018-6a3baf378979},
 group_id = {9c672442-8428-3dd8-9f89-4185ba67f982},
 last_modified = {2019-06-03T10:40:29.355Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {n this study, we look at committee assignment by focusing on the extent to which MPs’ desires to become members of certain committees are fulfilled. Our theoretical argument is based on the assumption that legislators pursue individ- ual goals, which interact with party leaders’ ones. To test our hypotheses, we use original survey data on elected candidates to the Italian Parliament that were col- lected immediately after the 2013 general election. Our main findings highlight that individual preferences driven by distributive interests are more likely to be ac- commodated in the case of legislators who are close to their party in ideological terms. On the contrary, ideological proximity to the party does not seem to affect committee assignment when MPs’ preferences are driven by expertise-based motivations.},
 bibtype = {misc},
 author = {Giannetti, Daniela and Pedrazzani, Andrea and Pinto, Luca}
}

n this study, we look at committee assignment by focusing on the extent to which MPs’ desires to become members of certain committees are fulfilled. Our theoretical argument is based on the assumption that legislators pursue individ- ual goals, which interact with party leaders’ ones. To test our hypotheses, we use original survey data on elected candidates to the Italian Parliament that were col- lected immediately after the 2013 general election. Our main findings highlight that individual preferences driven by distributive interests are more likely to be ac- commodated in the case of legislators who are close to their party in ideological terms. On the contrary, ideological proximity to the party does not seem to affect committee assignment when MPs’ preferences are driven by expertise-based motivations.

@article{
 title = {Intra-party heterogeneity in policy preferences and its effect on issue salience: Developing and applying a measure based on elite survey data},
 type = {article},
 year = {2019},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {elite surveys,ideology,intra-party heterogeneity,issue attention,party positions},
 pages = {336-348},
 volume = {25},
 month = {5},
 publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
 day = {1},
 id = {d609913e-86c3-3eeb-969e-77fadbdf570c},
 created = {2019-06-12T12:03:08.166Z},
 file_attached = {true},
 profile_id = {78031e3a-8aee-3521-9e5b-84039d255fc8},
 group_id = {9c672442-8428-3dd8-9f89-4185ba67f982},
 last_modified = {2019-06-12T12:03:09.768Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Quantitative research on party politics often has to assume that parties are unitary actors with homogeneous policy preferences simply because intra-party heterogeneity is difficult to measure. This article proposes a measure of preference heterogeneity based on surveys of party elites. We draw on Comparative Candidates Survey (CCS) data from 28 elections in 21 developed democracies to quantify intra-party heterogeneity and validate this measure. The usefulness of the measure is demonstrated by studying the effects of intra-party heterogeneity on issue salience. We find support for the hypothesis that heterogeneity regarding a policy issue tends to be negatively associated with the emphasis a party places on that issue by regressing measures of issue salience from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the Manifesto Project on our CCS measure of heterogeneity. Problems of elite surveys notwithstanding, drawing on this data source seems a promising way to overcome the unitary party assumption.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Steiner, Nils D. and Mader, Matthias},
 journal = {Party Politics},
 number = {3}
}

Quantitative research on party politics often has to assume that parties are unitary actors with homogeneous policy preferences simply because intra-party heterogeneity is difficult to measure. This article proposes a measure of preference heterogeneity based on surveys of party elites. We draw on Comparative Candidates Survey (CCS) data from 28 elections in 21 developed democracies to quantify intra-party heterogeneity and validate this measure. The usefulness of the measure is demonstrated by studying the effects of intra-party heterogeneity on issue salience. We find support for the hypothesis that heterogeneity regarding a policy issue tends to be negatively associated with the emphasis a party places on that issue by regressing measures of issue salience from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the Manifesto Project on our CCS measure of heterogeneity. Problems of elite surveys notwithstanding, drawing on this data source seems a promising way to overcome the unitary party assumption.

@article{
 title = {Candidate nomination rules and party leader strategies},
 type = {article},
 year = {2019},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {135406881985396},
 websites = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1354068819853967},
 month = {6},
 day = {12},
 id = {6d5420af-ae90-3d6e-86f4-ec506128eaef},
 created = {2019-06-19T07:46:33.181Z},
 file_attached = {true},
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 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
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 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Tromborg, Mathias Wessel},
 journal = {Party Politics}
}

@article{
 title = {Party institutionalization and intra-party preference homogeneity},
 type = {article},
 year = {2019},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {199-224},
 volume = {13},
 websites = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s12286-019-00421-9},
 month = {6},
 publisher = {Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden},
 day = {11},
 id = {2e03870d-4cd7-36ae-a8b7-126d4bb851cf},
 created = {2019-09-03T17:33:16.899Z},
 accessed = {2019-09-03},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {af27cd4d-ff85-3d57-ad80-19336de53178},
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 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Mader, Matthias and Steiner, Nils D.},
 journal = {Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft},
 number = {2}
}

@article{
 title = {Policy congruence and strategic loyalty: which parties nominate candidates dissatisfied with democracy? Evidence from 11 European countries},
 type = {article},
 year = {2019},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Political parties,anti-establishment parties,candidates,democratic dissatisfaction,political elites},
 pages = {1628616},
 volume = {1},
 websites = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/2474736X.2019.1628616},
 month = {1},
 publisher = {Routledge},
 day = {25},
 id = {868a9495-0392-3cbd-8757-882ad32dbd91},
 created = {2019-10-15T05:58:16.326Z},
 accessed = {2019-10-15},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {af27cd4d-ff85-3d57-ad80-19336de53178},
 group_id = {9c672442-8428-3dd8-9f89-4185ba67f982},
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 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {ABSTRACTThis article considers the interplay between the democratic attitudes of candidates and their nomination through political parties. The focus is on candidates who articulate a dissatisfied ...},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Lewandowsky, Marcel},
 journal = {Political Research Exchange},
 number = {1}
}

ABSTRACTThis article considers the interplay between the democratic attitudes of candidates and their nomination through political parties. The focus is on candidates who articulate a dissatisfied ...

@inBook{
 title = {Elite Surveys},
 type = {inBook},
 year = {2019},
 pages = {112-127},
 websites = {http://www.polres.gr/en/sites/default/files/TIAP-Chapter5.pdf},
 publisher = {Democracy and Extremism Series, Routledge},
 editors = {[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object]},
 id = {533273ac-d6dc-3431-8f3d-6c431aabc7eb},
 created = {2019-11-27T08:50:05.355Z},
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 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Andreadis2017},
 private_publication = {false},
 bibtype = {inBook},
 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Ruth, Saskia P.},
 book = {The Ideational Approach to Populism: Concept, Theory, and Analysis}
}

@article{
 title = {Cheap Talk or Proper Signaling? Styles of Campaigning and Engagement in Constituency Service},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {283-295},
 volume = {99},
 websites = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/ssqu.12404},
 month = {3},
 id = {b4bfe0da-8a95-3581-8664-eef8d32b57f1},
 created = {2019-05-04T07:15:12.736Z},
 accessed = {2019-05-04},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {af27cd4d-ff85-3d57-ad80-19336de53178},
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 last_modified = {2019-05-04T07:15:12.736Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Chiru, Mihail},
 journal = {Social Science Quarterly},
 number = {1}
}

@article{
 title = {Validating and Improving Voting Advice Applications: Estimating Party Positions Using Candidate Surveys},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {135-160},
 volume = {9},
 websites = {http://www.degruyter.com/view/j/spp.2018.9.issue-2/spp-2018-0012/spp-2018-0012.xml},
 month = {12},
 publisher = {De Gruyter},
 day = {19},
 id = {c6d9b460-5aaa-30b1-a257-f0b73356a4b6},
 created = {2019-05-08T06:53:11.700Z},
 accessed = {2019-05-08},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {af27cd4d-ff85-3d57-ad80-19336de53178},
 group_id = {9c672442-8428-3dd8-9f89-4185ba67f982},
 last_modified = {2019-05-08T06:53:11.700Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {<p>Locating political parties correctly regarding different policy issues is not just crucial for research on parties, party competition, and many similar fields but also for the electorate. For the latter, it has become more and more important as the relevance of voting advice applications (VAA) has increased and as their main usage is to compare citizens’ policy preferences to the offer of political parties. However, if party positions are not adequately assigned, citizens are provided with suboptimal information which decreases the citizens’ capacities to make rational electoral decision. VAA designers follow different approaches to determining party positions. In this paper, we look beyond most common sources like electoral manifestos and expert judgments by using surveys of electoral candidates to validate and improve VAAs. We argue that by using positions derived from candidate surveys we get the information by the source itself, but at the same time we overcome most of the disadvantages of the other methods. Using data for the 2014 European Parliament election both in Greece and Germany, we show that while positions taken from the VAAs and from the candidate surveys do match more often than not, we also find substantive differences and even opposing positions. Moreover, these occasional differences have already rather severe consequences looking at calculated overlaps between citizens and parties as well as representations of the political competition space and party system polarization. These differences seem to be more pronounced in Greece. We conclude that candidate surveys are indeed a valid additional source to validate and improve VAAs.</p>},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Giebler, Heiko},
 journal = {Statistics, Politics and Policy},
 number = {2}
}

Locating political parties correctly regarding different policy issues is not just crucial for research on parties, party competition, and many similar fields but also for the electorate. For the latter, it has become more and more important as the relevance of voting advice applications (VAA) has increased and as their main usage is to compare citizens’ policy preferences to the offer of political parties. However, if party positions are not adequately assigned, citizens are provided with suboptimal information which decreases the citizens’ capacities to make rational electoral decision. VAA designers follow different approaches to determining party positions. In this paper, we look beyond most common sources like electoral manifestos and expert judgments by using surveys of electoral candidates to validate and improve VAAs. We argue that by using positions derived from candidate surveys we get the information by the source itself, but at the same time we overcome most of the disadvantages of the other methods. Using data for the 2014 European Parliament election both in Greece and Germany, we show that while positions taken from the VAAs and from the candidate surveys do match more often than not, we also find substantive differences and even opposing positions. Moreover, these occasional differences have already rather severe consequences looking at calculated overlaps between citizens and parties as well as representations of the political competition space and party system polarization. These differences seem to be more pronounced in Greece. We conclude that candidate surveys are indeed a valid additional source to validate and improve VAAs.

@article{
 title = {Italian candidates under the Rosato law},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {19-35},
 volume = {13},
 id = {de3722c5-692d-30dc-aab2-5333d5407707},
 created = {2019-06-03T10:41:44.624Z},
 file_attached = {true},
 profile_id = {f33813ea-14de-3659-9018-6a3baf378979},
 group_id = {9c672442-8428-3dd8-9f89-4185ba67f982},
 last_modified = {2019-06-03T10:41:45.058Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Candidates for public office are part of the politically 'active minority' that serve as a fundamental link between voters and the ruling class. The selection of candidates can also define the traits of political personnel in the major political institutions and, more in general, the very nature of democratic representation. The study of candidates is particularly interesting in the case of the 2018 Italian elections as it allows us to understand the extent to which Italian citizens are willing to run for office despite a negative climate towards politics, and despite parties' choices under the new mixed electoral system-the so-called 'Rosato law'. This article investigates a number of key characteristics of the Italian candidates running for a seat in the Chamber of Deputies in 2018 and compares them with those who stood for office in the past elections from 1976 onwards. In particular, we focus on the following aspects: the overall number of candidacies and party lists, the use of multiple candidacies by different parties, and some relevant traits of candidates such as their age, gender and past experience as candidates. Results highlight the impact of the new electoral institutions, as in 2018 the overall number of Italian candidates and lists has decreased if compared to the 2013 elections. However, the new rules have not substantially reduced the number of those who run for office without any reasonable possibility of obtaining a parliamentary seat. In addition, the population of Italian would-be deputies has become more balanced in terms of gender-though not any younger-and the turnover rate among Italian candidates seems to be somewhat lower than in 2013. Furthermore, moving from 2013 to 2018, the leaders of Italian parties have made more moderate use of multiple candidacies as a tool for controlling party members. In the last elections, multiple candidacies were employed mostly for safeguarding the election of some prominent politicians.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Pedrazzani, Andrea and Pinto, Luca and Segatti, Paolo},
 journal = {Italian Political Science},
 number = {1}
}

Candidates for public office are part of the politically 'active minority' that serve as a fundamental link between voters and the ruling class. The selection of candidates can also define the traits of political personnel in the major political institutions and, more in general, the very nature of democratic representation. The study of candidates is particularly interesting in the case of the 2018 Italian elections as it allows us to understand the extent to which Italian citizens are willing to run for office despite a negative climate towards politics, and despite parties' choices under the new mixed electoral system-the so-called 'Rosato law'. This article investigates a number of key characteristics of the Italian candidates running for a seat in the Chamber of Deputies in 2018 and compares them with those who stood for office in the past elections from 1976 onwards. In particular, we focus on the following aspects: the overall number of candidacies and party lists, the use of multiple candidacies by different parties, and some relevant traits of candidates such as their age, gender and past experience as candidates. Results highlight the impact of the new electoral institutions, as in 2018 the overall number of Italian candidates and lists has decreased if compared to the 2013 elections. However, the new rules have not substantially reduced the number of those who run for office without any reasonable possibility of obtaining a parliamentary seat. In addition, the population of Italian would-be deputies has become more balanced in terms of gender-though not any younger-and the turnover rate among Italian candidates seems to be somewhat lower than in 2013. Furthermore, moving from 2013 to 2018, the leaders of Italian parties have made more moderate use of multiple candidacies as a tool for controlling party members. In the last elections, multiple candidacies were employed mostly for safeguarding the election of some prominent politicians.

@article{
 title = {Party performance explains disagreement between politicians and their parties},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Party positions,candidates,electoral performance,intra-party politics,intra-party unity},
 pages = {329-349},
 volume = {41},
 month = {3},
 publisher = {Routledge},
 day = {4},
 id = {44c066d2-fe14-30f9-8a6a-e72da1801e70},
 created = {2019-06-12T12:01:47.781Z},
 file_attached = {true},
 profile_id = {78031e3a-8aee-3521-9e5b-84039d255fc8},
 group_id = {9c672442-8428-3dd8-9f89-4185ba67f982},
 last_modified = {2019-06-12T12:01:49.943Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Are politicians more likely to disagree with their party after an electoral defeat or during a spell in opposition? If so, are they likely to advocate a more moderate or a more radical position than their party? In order to evaluate this, the article analyses the absolute distance between candidates for parliament and their parties on the left–right dimension. The sample used consists of 5614 politicians from 11 countries (Comparative Candidate Survey). Controlling for party system differences and individual characteristics, the results demonstrate that politicians take more moderate positions than their party after an electoral defeat. Also politicians of government parties are surprisingly more likely to disagree than politicians of opposition parties. These results overlap with predictions of party position shifts and inform the discussion on how intra-party dynamics bring about changes in party position. In addition, the article finds evidence of loss aversion, and differences in the responsiveness of elite and non-elite candidates. KEYWORDS},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Schumacher, Gijs and Elmelund-Præstekær, Christian},
 journal = {West European Politics},
 number = {2}
}

Are politicians more likely to disagree with their party after an electoral defeat or during a spell in opposition? If so, are they likely to advocate a more moderate or a more radical position than their party? In order to evaluate this, the article analyses the absolute distance between candidates for parliament and their parties on the left–right dimension. The sample used consists of 5614 politicians from 11 countries (Comparative Candidate Survey). Controlling for party system differences and individual characteristics, the results demonstrate that politicians take more moderate positions than their party after an electoral defeat. Also politicians of government parties are surprisingly more likely to disagree than politicians of opposition parties. These results overlap with predictions of party position shifts and inform the discussion on how intra-party dynamics bring about changes in party position. In addition, the article finds evidence of loss aversion, and differences in the responsiveness of elite and non-elite candidates. KEYWORDS

@article{
 title = {Gendered political resources: The case of party office},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {gender power,party patronage,political parties,political recruitment,women’s representation},
 pages = {536-548},
 volume = {24},
 month = {9},
 publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
 day = {1},
 id = {f969953b-f03a-3443-bab5-eabcea91d05e},
 created = {2019-06-12T12:07:49.409Z},
 file_attached = {true},
 profile_id = {78031e3a-8aee-3521-9e5b-84039d255fc8},
 group_id = {9c672442-8428-3dd8-9f89-4185ba67f982},
 last_modified = {2019-06-12T12:07:50.751Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Party office is a crucial political resource for those seeking a political career. It provides advantageous access to the distribution of the patronage parties are entitled to in party government democracies. This article aims at measuring this comparative advantage while simultaneously investigating whether it benefits women and men equally in political recruitment processes. We concentrate on viable candidacy for parliamentary office, ministerial appointments, as well as post-ministerial offices in public and semi-public life that are also in the hands of political parties to distribute. Our cross-national analysis of advanced industrial democracies shows that men are much more likely than women to benefit from holding party office in their ascendant political careers, even when controlling for other political resources, sociodemographic factors and country-level variables. This suggests that party office is a gendered political resource and that gender power dynamics are deeply entrenched in political parties.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Verge, Tània and Claveria, Sílvia},
 journal = {Party Politics},
 number = {5}
}

Party office is a crucial political resource for those seeking a political career. It provides advantageous access to the distribution of the patronage parties are entitled to in party government democracies. This article aims at measuring this comparative advantage while simultaneously investigating whether it benefits women and men equally in political recruitment processes. We concentrate on viable candidacy for parliamentary office, ministerial appointments, as well as post-ministerial offices in public and semi-public life that are also in the hands of political parties to distribute. Our cross-national analysis of advanced industrial democracies shows that men are much more likely than women to benefit from holding party office in their ascendant political careers, even when controlling for other political resources, sociodemographic factors and country-level variables. This suggests that party office is a gendered political resource and that gender power dynamics are deeply entrenched in political parties.

@article{
 title = {European Populist Parties in Government: How Well are Voters Represented? Evidence from Greece},
 type = {article},
 year = {2017},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {485-508},
 volume = {23},
 websites = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/spsr.12255},
 month = {12},
 id = {ece569c2-c277-3848-b2bc-50567cdd6c26},
 created = {2019-05-04T07:15:12.732Z},
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 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Stavrakakis, Yannis},
 journal = {Swiss Political Science Review},
 number = {4}
}

@article{
 title = {A new populism index at work: identifying populist candidates and parties in the contemporary Greek context},
 type = {article},
 year = {2017},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {446-464},
 volume = {18},
 websites = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/23745118.2016.1261434},
 month = {10},
 day = {2},
 id = {c7b11003-aa46-36cf-a4d8-663babc70c82},
 created = {2019-05-04T07:15:12.907Z},
 accessed = {2019-05-04},
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 read = {false},
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 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
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 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Stavrakakis, Yannis and Andreadis, Ioannis and Katsambekis, Giorgos},
 journal = {European Politics and Society},
 number = {4}
}

@article{
 title = {Gendered policy preferences? Candidates’ views on political issues in a comparative perspective},
 type = {article},
 year = {2017},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {944-968},
 volume = {15},
 websites = {http://link.springer.com/10.1057/cep.2015.4},
 id = {f8f71cdd-ce91-3054-bcf1-66aa8470324f},
 created = {2019-05-07T15:00:33.790Z},
 accessed = {2019-05-07},
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 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Lloren, Anouk and Rosset, Jan},
 journal = {Comparative European Politics},
 number = {6}
}

@inProceedings{
 title = {Conducting a Candidate Study as a Web-Survey. Advantages, Challenges and Best Practices},
 type = {inProceedings},
 year = {2016},
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@inProceedings{
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@inProceedings{
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@article{
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@book{
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@inProceedings{
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@article{
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@article{
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@article{
 title = {Candidates in 2013 Italian general election: evidence from the Italian Candidate Survey},
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 abstract = {Changes in electoral politics in contemporary democracies have contributed to shifting the focus of research from parties to individual candidates. The 2013 Italian Candidate Survey (ICS) has collected original survey data with the aim of gaining new insights into the role of political elites, looking in particular at the candidates running for office in the last Italian general election. Based on interviews with individual candidates, the ICS provides a tool for analysing party members; and for comparing them with voters in several ways. In this paper, we spell out the main features of our research that was conducted within the framework of a larger project that examined political representation in Italy between 2013 and 2015. Moreover, we offer three examples of potential applications of ICS data. First, we present a model of political representation favoured by Italian candidates that matches with a well-known typology of political representation. Second, we utilize our ICS data to estimate candidates’ policy preferences and to assess the level of congruence with their voters. Finally, by comparing the distribution of candidates’ self-placements and their own party mean position on the left-right scale, we show how our data can be used to explore intra-party cohesion.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Di Virgilio, Aldo and Giannetti, Daniela and Pedrazzani, Andrea and Pinto, Luca},
 journal = {Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica},
 number = {3}
}

Changes in electoral politics in contemporary democracies have contributed to shifting the focus of research from parties to individual candidates. The 2013 Italian Candidate Survey (ICS) has collected original survey data with the aim of gaining new insights into the role of political elites, looking in particular at the candidates running for office in the last Italian general election. Based on interviews with individual candidates, the ICS provides a tool for analysing party members; and for comparing them with voters in several ways. In this paper, we spell out the main features of our research that was conducted within the framework of a larger project that examined political representation in Italy between 2013 and 2015. Moreover, we offer three examples of potential applications of ICS data. First, we present a model of political representation favoured by Italian candidates that matches with a well-known typology of political representation. Second, we utilize our ICS data to estimate candidates’ policy preferences and to assess the level of congruence with their voters. Finally, by comparing the distribution of candidates’ self-placements and their own party mean position on the left-right scale, we show how our data can be used to explore intra-party cohesion.

@article{
 title = {Elites' and Voters' Attitudes towards Austerity Policies and their Consequences in Greece and Portugal},
 type = {article},
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 pages = {457-476},
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}

@article{
 title = {Awakening the Sleeping Giant in Greece and Portugal? Elites' and Voters' Attitudes towards EU Integration in Difficult Economic Times},
 type = {article},
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@article{
 title = {Political Representation in Bailed-out Southern Europe: Greece and Portugal Compared},
 type = {article},
 year = {2014},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Austerity Policies,Bailouts,Economic Crisis,Greece,Political Representation,Portugal},
 pages = {413-559},
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 publisher = {Routledge},
 day = {2},
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 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Freire2014a},
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 abstract = {The emergence of the economic and financial crisis has already shown important electoral and political consequences in southern Europe. Drawing on the experience of two bailed-out countries, Greece and Portugal, we use original data collected before and after 2008 to examine how patterns of political representation have changed during this period. We argue that austerity measures have significantly affected the way MPs represent their electorates, namely in terms of policy congruence. In addition, the economic crisis has also deepened the legitimacy crisis in both countries. Finally, we find that the short-term impact of the crisis has had a greater impact on voters' attitudes than on those of their representatives.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Freire, André and Lisi, Marco and Andreadis, Ioannis and Viegas, José Manuel Leite},
 journal = {South European Society and Politics},
 number = {4}
}

The emergence of the economic and financial crisis has already shown important electoral and political consequences in southern Europe. Drawing on the experience of two bailed-out countries, Greece and Portugal, we use original data collected before and after 2008 to examine how patterns of political representation have changed during this period. We argue that austerity measures have significantly affected the way MPs represent their electorates, namely in terms of policy congruence. In addition, the economic crisis has also deepened the legitimacy crisis in both countries. Finally, we find that the short-term impact of the crisis has had a greater impact on voters' attitudes than on those of their representatives.

@article{
 title = {Policy Congruence and Style of Representation: Party Voters and Political Parties},
 type = {article},
 year = {2014},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {538-563},
 volume = {37},
 publisher = {Routledge},
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 abstract = {This article focuses on whether styles of representation influence policy congruence. Style of representation is defined at the party level as the proportion of representatives within parties who are partisans, delegates or trustees. Policy congruence refers to how close on the left--right scale the mean position of a party as placed by its candidates is compared to that of party voters. The article concludes that where there are higher proportions of trustees within parties, there is a greater degree of policy congruence, whereas a higher proportion of partisans results in less policy congruence. The proportion of delegates has no significant impact on congruence after taking account of other party and country measures. This indicates that party constraints on representatives are applied at the cost of congruence with voters, and that when representatives enjoy more flexibility to follow their own opinions, the party displays greater congruence with its own voters.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Önnudóttir, Eva H.},
 journal = {West European Politics},
 number = {3}
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This article focuses on whether styles of representation influence policy congruence. Style of representation is defined at the party level as the proportion of representatives within parties who are partisans, delegates or trustees. Policy congruence refers to how close on the left--right scale the mean position of a party as placed by its candidates is compared to that of party voters. The article concludes that where there are higher proportions of trustees within parties, there is a greater degree of policy congruence, whereas a higher proportion of partisans results in less policy congruence. The proportion of delegates has no significant impact on congruence after taking account of other party and country measures. This indicates that party constraints on representatives are applied at the cost of congruence with voters, and that when representatives enjoy more flexibility to follow their own opinions, the party displays greater congruence with its own voters.

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A long tradition of studies in political science has unveiled the effects of electoral institutions on party systems and parliamentary representation. Yet their effects on campaign activities remain overlooked. Research in this tradition still lacks a strong comparative element able to explore the nuanced role of electoral institutions in shaping individual-level campaigns during first-order parliamentary elections. This study uses data from a variety of national candidate studies to address this lacuna , and shows that the structure of electoral institutions affects the electoral mobilization efforts put in place by candidates. Candidate-centred electoral systems incentivize more intense and complex mobilization efforts, and shift the campaign focus towards individuals rather than parties. By directly addressing the effects of electoral institutions on campaign behaviour, this study contributes to the wider debate on their role in promoting political engagement and mobilization. These results indicate that electoral institutions affect political competition much more than previously thought.

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@inProceedings{
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@inProceedings{
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@inProceedings{
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@inProceedings{
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@inProceedings{
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@inProceedings{
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