@article{
 title = {The Impact of Splitting a Long Online Questionnaire on Data Quality},
 type = {article},
 year = {2020},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {data quality,drop,long questionnaire,out,response rates,web surveys},
 pages = {31-42},
 volume = {14},
 websites = {https://ojs.ub.uni-konstanz.de/srm/article/view/7294},
 month = {4},
 day = {10},
 id = {8a290b10-c0dd-3b11-8492-3427c23179ce},
 created = {2020-06-21T08:26:03.568Z},
 accessed = {2020-04-17},
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 abstract = {Long self-administered questionnaires may suffer from lower response rates, higher drop-outs, and lower quality responses. A shorter questionnaire reduces the burden of respondents. Using this as a starting point, we test the following method: split the long questionnaire into sub-questionnaires; invite everyone to answer the first sub-questionnaire; when respondents complete the first sub-questionnaire, invite them to answer the second sub-questionnaire, and so on. We present evidence that after splitting a long questionnaire into two shorter parts, the response rates of these sub-questionnaires are significantly higher than the response rate of the original, undivided, long questionnaire. However, the cumulative response rate of both parts is lower than the response rate of the long undivided questionnaire. Finally, we show that the respondents of the survey using the original, long questionnaire: i) provide more non-substantive answers (“neither/nor”) to the Likert-type scale items and ii) give shorter answers to the open-ended questions of the survey than the respondents of the split survey. On the other hand, there is no significant difference between the long and the split questionnaire on the other indicators of response quality we have tested: item-nonresponse, speeding and straight-lining. This paper presents some first insights on splitting a long questionnaire into shorter parts. For now, the results are not promising to suggest with confidence to split the long questionnaire for the purpose of obtaining high data quality. Further research is needed to find the optimal interval time between the sub-questionnaires or the optimal length of the sub-questionnaires in which the overall response rate is maximized.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Kartsounidou, Evangelia},
 journal = {Survey Research Methods},
 number = {1}
}

Long self-administered questionnaires may suffer from lower response rates, higher drop-outs, and lower quality responses. A shorter questionnaire reduces the burden of respondents. Using this as a starting point, we test the following method: split the long questionnaire into sub-questionnaires; invite everyone to answer the first sub-questionnaire; when respondents complete the first sub-questionnaire, invite them to answer the second sub-questionnaire, and so on. We present evidence that after splitting a long questionnaire into two shorter parts, the response rates of these sub-questionnaires are significantly higher than the response rate of the original, undivided, long questionnaire. However, the cumulative response rate of both parts is lower than the response rate of the long undivided questionnaire. Finally, we show that the respondents of the survey using the original, long questionnaire: i) provide more non-substantive answers (“neither/nor”) to the Likert-type scale items and ii) give shorter answers to the open-ended questions of the survey than the respondents of the split survey. On the other hand, there is no significant difference between the long and the split questionnaire on the other indicators of response quality we have tested: item-nonresponse, speeding and straight-lining. This paper presents some first insights on splitting a long questionnaire into shorter parts. For now, the results are not promising to suggest with confidence to split the long questionnaire for the purpose of obtaining high data quality. Further research is needed to find the optimal interval time between the sub-questionnaires or the optimal length of the sub-questionnaires in which the overall response rate is maximized.

@book{
 title = {Political Representation in Southern Europe and Latin America},
 type = {book},
 year = {2020},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 websites = {https://www.routledge.com/Political-Representation-in-Southern-Europe-and-Latin-America-Crisis-or/Freire-Barragan-Coller-Lisi-Tsatsanis/p/book/9780367022945},
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 abstract = {"This collective volume - with contributions from experts on these regions - examines broader questions about the current crises (The Great Recession and The Commodity Crisis) and the associated changes in political representation in both regions. It provides a general overview of political representation studies in Southern Europe and Latin America and builds bridges between the two traditions of political representation studies, affording greater understanding of developments in each region and promote future research collaboration between Southern Europe and Latin America. Finally, the book addresses questions of continuity and change in patterns of political representation after the onset of the two economic crises, specifically examining issues such as changes in citizens' democratic support and trust in political representatives and institutions, in-descriptive representation (in the sociodemographic profile of MPs) and in-substantive representation (in the link between voters and MPs in terms of ideological congruence and/or policy/issue orientations). This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of political elites, political representation, European and Latin American politics/studies, and more broadly to comparative politics"-- Introduction: The impact of the great recession and the commodity crisis upon political representation in Southern Europe and Latin America / André Freire, Mélany Barragán, Xavier Coller, Marco Lisi and Emmanouil Tsatsanis -- Southern Europe and the Eurozone crisis : political representation, party system characteristics and the impact of austerity / Marco Lisi and Emmanouil Tsatsanis -- The study of political representation in Greece : towards new patterns following the economic crisis? / Eftichia Teperoglou, Ioannis Andreadis and Theodore Chatzipantelis -- Modes of representation and parliamentary roles in Italy / Federico Russo and Luca Verzichelli -- Political representation in Portugal before and after the great recession : legitimation and ideological linkages between voters and their representatives / André Freire, Marco Lisi and Emmanouil Tsatsanis -- It is not the economy : how Spanish established political elites understand the (political) crisis and its effects / Xavier Coller, Manuel Jiménez-Sánchez and Manuel Portillo -- The social profile of Spanish elites following the great recession / Manuel Portillo-Pérez and Pablo Domínguez -- Methodological challenges in the study of political elites : some reflections from Southern Europe / André Freire, Xavier Coller, Ioannis Andreadis, Antonio M. Jaime, Sofia Serra-Silva and Evangelia Kartsounidou -- Latin American politics before and beyond the commodity crisis : representation, institutional design, and political cycles / Mélany Barragán and Manuel Alcántara -- Venezuela : changes and continuities in post-Chavez era / Juan Manuel Trak -- Political representation studies in Ecuador : links between elites and voters / Cristina Rivas, José Manuel Rivas and Alexandra Jima -- Political representation in Chile : continuities and change following the end of the commodities boom / Peter M. Siavelis -- Latin American parliamentary elites : a methodological approach / Mélany Barragán, Cristina Rivas and José Manuel Rivas.},
 bibtype = {book},
 author = {},
 editor = {Freire, André and Barragán, Mélany and Coller, Xavier and Lisi, Marco and Tsatsanis, Emmanouil}
}

"This collective volume - with contributions from experts on these regions - examines broader questions about the current crises (The Great Recession and The Commodity Crisis) and the associated changes in political representation in both regions. It provides a general overview of political representation studies in Southern Europe and Latin America and builds bridges between the two traditions of political representation studies, affording greater understanding of developments in each region and promote future research collaboration between Southern Europe and Latin America. Finally, the book addresses questions of continuity and change in patterns of political representation after the onset of the two economic crises, specifically examining issues such as changes in citizens' democratic support and trust in political representatives and institutions, in-descriptive representation (in the sociodemographic profile of MPs) and in-substantive representation (in the link between voters and MPs in terms of ideological congruence and/or policy/issue orientations). This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of political elites, political representation, European and Latin American politics/studies, and more broadly to comparative politics"-- Introduction: The impact of the great recession and the commodity crisis upon political representation in Southern Europe and Latin America / André Freire, Mélany Barragán, Xavier Coller, Marco Lisi and Emmanouil Tsatsanis -- Southern Europe and the Eurozone crisis : political representation, party system characteristics and the impact of austerity / Marco Lisi and Emmanouil Tsatsanis -- The study of political representation in Greece : towards new patterns following the economic crisis? / Eftichia Teperoglou, Ioannis Andreadis and Theodore Chatzipantelis -- Modes of representation and parliamentary roles in Italy / Federico Russo and Luca Verzichelli -- Political representation in Portugal before and after the great recession : legitimation and ideological linkages between voters and their representatives / André Freire, Marco Lisi and Emmanouil Tsatsanis -- It is not the economy : how Spanish established political elites understand the (political) crisis and its effects / Xavier Coller, Manuel Jiménez-Sánchez and Manuel Portillo -- The social profile of Spanish elites following the great recession / Manuel Portillo-Pérez and Pablo Domínguez -- Methodological challenges in the study of political elites : some reflections from Southern Europe / André Freire, Xavier Coller, Ioannis Andreadis, Antonio M. Jaime, Sofia Serra-Silva and Evangelia Kartsounidou -- Latin American politics before and beyond the commodity crisis : representation, institutional design, and political cycles / Mélany Barragán and Manuel Alcántara -- Venezuela : changes and continuities in post-Chavez era / Juan Manuel Trak -- Political representation studies in Ecuador : links between elites and voters / Cristina Rivas, José Manuel Rivas and Alexandra Jima -- Political representation in Chile : continuities and change following the end of the commodities boom / Peter M. Siavelis -- Latin American parliamentary elites : a methodological approach / Mélany Barragán, Cristina Rivas and José Manuel Rivas.

@inproceedings{
 title = {Using web surveys to collect data from candidates: Experience from the 2019 Greek candidate survey},
 type = {inproceedings},
 year = {2020},
 websites = {https://ecpr.eu/Events/Event/PaperDetails/54500},
 publisher = {ECPR},
 id = {b171cd84-ee3b-36c4-a1ab-8223da846e2d},
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 abstract = {Web-surveys are being used more and more often in social sciences, as a fast and low- cost mode of data collection. However, there are some serious drawbacks which are mainly related to the absence of an interviewer such as low response rates. Furthermore, the length of the survey instrument affects considerably the response behavior. There is evidence that lengthy online questionnaires lead to lower response rates and lower quality responses. The aim of this paper is to study whether different web survey designs affect the response rate of a candidates’ survey. Specifically, during data collection for the Greek candidate study of 2019 we conducted three web experiments to test the impact on response behavior of: i) questionnaire length ii) web survey layout and iii) candidates recruitment. In order to test the impact of each factor we have manipulated the conditions of the survey in several ways. First, we divided the questionnaires into two or three parts in order to test whether shorter questionnaires increase response rate (splitting design). Second, we conducted an experiment on whether the layout of the survey affects the response rate. Specifically, there were two different designs of the questionnaire namely single page question and grid. Furthermore, some surveys were optimized for mobile devices to test if this affects the response rate. The final experiment is about the candidates’ recruitment. Most of the Greek candidate MPs have e-mail addresses which are available online especially during the period of electoral campaign. We collected their e-mail addresses using search engines and visiting websites related to the candidates or to the Greek elections in general. We also got in contact with the candidates whose e-mail could not be collected, through their Facebook pages and personal accounts.},
 bibtype = {inproceedings},
 author = {Tsigkou, M. and Kartsounidou, E. and Andreadis, I.},
 booktitle = {ECPR General Conference 2020}
}

Web-surveys are being used more and more often in social sciences, as a fast and low- cost mode of data collection. However, there are some serious drawbacks which are mainly related to the absence of an interviewer such as low response rates. Furthermore, the length of the survey instrument affects considerably the response behavior. There is evidence that lengthy online questionnaires lead to lower response rates and lower quality responses. The aim of this paper is to study whether different web survey designs affect the response rate of a candidates’ survey. Specifically, during data collection for the Greek candidate study of 2019 we conducted three web experiments to test the impact on response behavior of: i) questionnaire length ii) web survey layout and iii) candidates recruitment. In order to test the impact of each factor we have manipulated the conditions of the survey in several ways. First, we divided the questionnaires into two or three parts in order to test whether shorter questionnaires increase response rate (splitting design). Second, we conducted an experiment on whether the layout of the survey affects the response rate. Specifically, there were two different designs of the questionnaire namely single page question and grid. Furthermore, some surveys were optimized for mobile devices to test if this affects the response rate. The final experiment is about the candidates’ recruitment. Most of the Greek candidate MPs have e-mail addresses which are available online especially during the period of electoral campaign. We collected their e-mail addresses using search engines and visiting websites related to the candidates or to the Greek elections in general. We also got in contact with the candidates whose e-mail could not be collected, through their Facebook pages and personal accounts.

@inproceedings{
 title = {Measuring the Impact of Candidates’ Tweets on their Electoral Results},
 type = {inproceedings},
 year = {2020},
 websites = {https://ecpr.eu/Events/Event/PaperDetails/54504},
 publisher = {ECPR},
 id = {934f6815-886f-3613-90f2-05ba2c216da5},
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 abstract = {As candidates are increasingly using Twitter in their political communication, a question about its effectiveness as a political marketing tool is raised. Of course, along Twitter usage, there are more “traditional” political campaigning tools such as door-knocking, visiting businesses and social organizations etc. The aim of this paper is to study the factors that could influence the electoral performance of the candidate MPs and whether Twitter usage is one of them. To this aim we use information about candidates’ previous political activity, electoral campaign tools, money spent on campaign etc acquired through survey data. We combine this dataset with data produced by candidates’ Twitter activity, to study their effectiveness on the 2019 Greek Parliamentary election results. We are studying which are the factors with the greater influence on preferential votes each candidate gets in his constituency. The first data source is the Hellenic Candidate Study 2019. This dataset provides useful information about candidates’ political campaigns such as campaign spending, campaign means etc. The other source is Twitter activity data. We also measure candidates’ popularity using two different approaches: i) Wikipedia (number of hits on each candidate’s Wikipedia page), ii) experts’ evaluation. We are particularly interested in candidates’ Twitter audience. We apply an innovative method of analysis of candidate’s network starting from retweeters for each candidates’ post. We also take into account the followers of each retweeter and the candidate’s followers. In this way we explore whether the size of the Twitter audience of a candidate is related to the electoral success, or in other words, whether larger network sizes are associated with more successful candidates relatively to the party share in each electoral constituency. First indications suggest that the size of candidates’ Twitter audience affect the preferential votes that a candidate receives in his constituency.},
 bibtype = {inproceedings},
 author = {Papaxanthi, Dimitra and Kartsounidou, Evangelia and Andreadis, Ιoannis},
 booktitle = {ECPR General Conference 2020}
}

As candidates are increasingly using Twitter in their political communication, a question about its effectiveness as a political marketing tool is raised. Of course, along Twitter usage, there are more “traditional” political campaigning tools such as door-knocking, visiting businesses and social organizations etc. The aim of this paper is to study the factors that could influence the electoral performance of the candidate MPs and whether Twitter usage is one of them. To this aim we use information about candidates’ previous political activity, electoral campaign tools, money spent on campaign etc acquired through survey data. We combine this dataset with data produced by candidates’ Twitter activity, to study their effectiveness on the 2019 Greek Parliamentary election results. We are studying which are the factors with the greater influence on preferential votes each candidate gets in his constituency. The first data source is the Hellenic Candidate Study 2019. This dataset provides useful information about candidates’ political campaigns such as campaign spending, campaign means etc. The other source is Twitter activity data. We also measure candidates’ popularity using two different approaches: i) Wikipedia (number of hits on each candidate’s Wikipedia page), ii) experts’ evaluation. We are particularly interested in candidates’ Twitter audience. We apply an innovative method of analysis of candidate’s network starting from retweeters for each candidates’ post. We also take into account the followers of each retweeter and the candidate’s followers. In this way we explore whether the size of the Twitter audience of a candidate is related to the electoral success, or in other words, whether larger network sizes are associated with more successful candidates relatively to the party share in each electoral constituency. First indications suggest that the size of candidates’ Twitter audience affect the preferential votes that a candidate receives in his constituency.

@inproceedings{
 title = {Exploring Congruence in Greece (2009-2019)},
 type = {inproceedings},
 year = {2020},
 websites = {https://ecpr.eu/Events/Event/PaperDetails/54503},
 publisher = {ECPR},
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@article{
 title = {Responsiveness when parties are “weak”: A candidate-based analysis of voter-party congruence in Europe},
 type = {article},
 year = {2020},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Europe,candidates,congruence,left–right,political parties,representation},
 websites = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1354068820968091},
 month = {10},
 publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
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 id = {5b76886f-a008-3cdc-95b8-b400ffaf9161},
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 read = {false},
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 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Outside the US, the crucial question of how well politicians represent the preferences of voters is usually investigated at the party level. Reversing this perspective, we examine representation in Europe from the point of view of individual candidates running in national parliamentary elections. This is especially insightful in a period that seems characterized by a decline in parties’ representational capacities and an increasing personalization of politics. We analyze representation by considering the incongruence between candidates’ left–right positions and the average placement of their party voters. By combining candidate survey data with mass survey data on voters, we assess how ideological incongruence varies according to predictors measured at the levels of candidates, parties, and party systems. The results highlight a systematic association between a partisan style of representation and candidates’ proximity to voters, as well as the interactions between representational roles and factors such as the anti-establishment nature of parties and ideological polarization in the party system.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Pedrazzani, Andrea and Segatti, Paolo},
 journal = {Party Politics}
}

Outside the US, the crucial question of how well politicians represent the preferences of voters is usually investigated at the party level. Reversing this perspective, we examine representation in Europe from the point of view of individual candidates running in national parliamentary elections. This is especially insightful in a period that seems characterized by a decline in parties’ representational capacities and an increasing personalization of politics. We analyze representation by considering the incongruence between candidates’ left–right positions and the average placement of their party voters. By combining candidate survey data with mass survey data on voters, we assess how ideological incongruence varies according to predictors measured at the levels of candidates, parties, and party systems. The results highlight a systematic association between a partisan style of representation and candidates’ proximity to voters, as well as the interactions between representational roles and factors such as the anti-establishment nature of parties and ideological polarization in the party system.

@book{
 title = {Parliamentary Candidates Between Voters and Parties: A Comparative Perspective},
 type = {book},
 year = {2020},
 websites = {https://www.routledge.com/Parliamentary-Candidates-Between-Voters-and-Parties-A-Comparative-Perspective/Winter-Karlsen-Schmitt/p/book/9780367248512},
 month = {11},
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 id = {ee28fc81-4098-3b67-a85a-474c08875c45},
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 source_type = {BOOK},
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 bibtype = {book},
 author = {},
 editor = {De Winter, Lieven and Karlsen, Rune and Schmitt, Hermann}
}

This book offers the first comprehensive, comparative and coherent perspective on parliamentary candidates in contemporary representative democracy. Based on the unique database of the ‘Comparative Candidate Survey' project which interrogated parliamentary candidates in more than 30 countries, it fills a significant lacuna by focusing on the thousands of ordinary candidates that participate in national elections. It examines who the candidates are in terms of their socio-demographic backgroun

@book{
 title = {Candidates, Parties and Voters in the Belgian Partitocracy},
 type = {book},
 year = {2019},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 websites = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-3-319-96460-7},
 publisher = {Springer International Publishing},
 city = {Cham},
 id = {9c3e6a2b-541d-3e32-94d9-1ad080ba2533},
 created = {2019-05-04T07:15:12.904Z},
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 editor = {Vandeleene, Audrey and De Winter, Lieven and Baudewyns, Pierre}
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@misc{
 title = {Personal ambitions, expertise and parties' control: Understanding committee assignment in the Italian chamber of deputies},
 type = {misc},
 year = {2019},
 source = {Parliamentary Affairs},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Committee assignment,Italian parliament,Legislative committees,Legislative organisation,Party unity,Political parties},
 pages = {119-140},
 volume = {72},
 issue = {1},
 month = {1},
 publisher = {Oxford University Press},
 day = {1},
 id = {e5e13448-3dd5-3977-97d1-ffe62584246a},
 created = {2019-06-03T10:40:27.945Z},
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 profile_id = {f33813ea-14de-3659-9018-6a3baf378979},
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 last_modified = {2019-06-03T10:40:29.355Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {n this study, we look at committee assignment by focusing on the extent to which MPs’ desires to become members of certain committees are fulfilled. Our theoretical argument is based on the assumption that legislators pursue individ- ual goals, which interact with party leaders’ ones. To test our hypotheses, we use original survey data on elected candidates to the Italian Parliament that were col- lected immediately after the 2013 general election. Our main findings highlight that individual preferences driven by distributive interests are more likely to be ac- commodated in the case of legislators who are close to their party in ideological terms. On the contrary, ideological proximity to the party does not seem to affect committee assignment when MPs’ preferences are driven by expertise-based motivations.},
 bibtype = {misc},
 author = {Giannetti, Daniela and Pedrazzani, Andrea and Pinto, Luca}
}

n this study, we look at committee assignment by focusing on the extent to which MPs’ desires to become members of certain committees are fulfilled. Our theoretical argument is based on the assumption that legislators pursue individ- ual goals, which interact with party leaders’ ones. To test our hypotheses, we use original survey data on elected candidates to the Italian Parliament that were col- lected immediately after the 2013 general election. Our main findings highlight that individual preferences driven by distributive interests are more likely to be ac- commodated in the case of legislators who are close to their party in ideological terms. On the contrary, ideological proximity to the party does not seem to affect committee assignment when MPs’ preferences are driven by expertise-based motivations.

@article{
 title = {Intra-party heterogeneity in policy preferences and its effect on issue salience: Developing and applying a measure based on elite survey data},
 type = {article},
 year = {2019},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {elite surveys,ideology,intra-party heterogeneity,issue attention,party positions},
 pages = {336-348},
 volume = {25},
 month = {5},
 publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
 day = {1},
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 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Quantitative research on party politics often has to assume that parties are unitary actors with homogeneous policy preferences simply because intra-party heterogeneity is difficult to measure. This article proposes a measure of preference heterogeneity based on surveys of party elites. We draw on Comparative Candidates Survey (CCS) data from 28 elections in 21 developed democracies to quantify intra-party heterogeneity and validate this measure. The usefulness of the measure is demonstrated by studying the effects of intra-party heterogeneity on issue salience. We find support for the hypothesis that heterogeneity regarding a policy issue tends to be negatively associated with the emphasis a party places on that issue by regressing measures of issue salience from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the Manifesto Project on our CCS measure of heterogeneity. Problems of elite surveys notwithstanding, drawing on this data source seems a promising way to overcome the unitary party assumption.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Steiner, Nils D. and Mader, Matthias},
 journal = {Party Politics},
 number = {3}
}

Quantitative research on party politics often has to assume that parties are unitary actors with homogeneous policy preferences simply because intra-party heterogeneity is difficult to measure. This article proposes a measure of preference heterogeneity based on surveys of party elites. We draw on Comparative Candidates Survey (CCS) data from 28 elections in 21 developed democracies to quantify intra-party heterogeneity and validate this measure. The usefulness of the measure is demonstrated by studying the effects of intra-party heterogeneity on issue salience. We find support for the hypothesis that heterogeneity regarding a policy issue tends to be negatively associated with the emphasis a party places on that issue by regressing measures of issue salience from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the Manifesto Project on our CCS measure of heterogeneity. Problems of elite surveys notwithstanding, drawing on this data source seems a promising way to overcome the unitary party assumption.

@article{
 title = {Candidate nomination rules and party leader strategies},
 type = {article},
 year = {2019},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {135406881985396},
 websites = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1354068819853967},
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}

@article{
 title = {Party institutionalization and intra-party preference homogeneity},
 type = {article},
 year = {2019},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {199-224},
 volume = {13},
 websites = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s12286-019-00421-9},
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 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Mader, Matthias and Steiner, Nils D.},
 journal = {Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft},
 number = {2}
}

@article{
 title = {Policy congruence and strategic loyalty: which parties nominate candidates dissatisfied with democracy? Evidence from 11 European countries},
 type = {article},
 year = {2019},
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 keywords = {Political parties,anti-establishment parties,candidates,democratic dissatisfaction,political elites},
 pages = {1628616},
 volume = {1},
 websites = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/2474736X.2019.1628616},
 month = {1},
 publisher = {Routledge},
 day = {25},
 id = {868a9495-0392-3cbd-8757-882ad32dbd91},
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 read = {false},
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 abstract = {ABSTRACTThis article considers the interplay between the democratic attitudes of candidates and their nomination through political parties. The focus is on candidates who articulate a dissatisfied ...},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Lewandowsky, Marcel},
 journal = {Political Research Exchange},
 number = {1}
}

ABSTRACTThis article considers the interplay between the democratic attitudes of candidates and their nomination through political parties. The focus is on candidates who articulate a dissatisfied ...

@inbook{
 type = {inbook},
 year = {2019},
 pages = {112-127},
 websites = {http://www.polres.gr/en/sites/default/files/TIAP-Chapter5.pdf},
 publisher = {Democracy and Extremism Series, Routledge},
 id = {533273ac-d6dc-3431-8f3d-6c431aabc7eb},
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 editor = {Hawkins, Kirk and Carlin, Ryan and Littvay, Levente and Rovira Kaltwasser, Cristobal},
 chapter = {Elite Surveys},
 title = {The Ideational Approach to Populism: Concept, Theory, and Analysis}
}

@article{
 title = {Cheap Talk or Proper Signaling? Styles of Campaigning and Engagement in Constituency Service},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {283-295},
 volume = {99},
 websites = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/ssqu.12404},
 month = {3},
 id = {b4bfe0da-8a95-3581-8664-eef8d32b57f1},
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 number = {1}
}

@article{
 title = {Validating and Improving Voting Advice Applications: Estimating Party Positions Using Candidate Surveys},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {135-160},
 volume = {9},
 websites = {http://www.degruyter.com/view/j/spp.2018.9.issue-2/spp-2018-0012/spp-2018-0012.xml},
 month = {12},
 publisher = {De Gruyter},
 day = {19},
 id = {c6d9b460-5aaa-30b1-a257-f0b73356a4b6},
 created = {2019-05-08T06:53:11.700Z},
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 abstract = {<p>Locating political parties correctly regarding different policy issues is not just crucial for research on parties, party competition, and many similar fields but also for the electorate. For the latter, it has become more and more important as the relevance of voting advice applications (VAA) has increased and as their main usage is to compare citizens’ policy preferences to the offer of political parties. However, if party positions are not adequately assigned, citizens are provided with suboptimal information which decreases the citizens’ capacities to make rational electoral decision. VAA designers follow different approaches to determining party positions. In this paper, we look beyond most common sources like electoral manifestos and expert judgments by using surveys of electoral candidates to validate and improve VAAs. We argue that by using positions derived from candidate surveys we get the information by the source itself, but at the same time we overcome most of the disadvantages of the other methods. Using data for the 2014 European Parliament election both in Greece and Germany, we show that while positions taken from the VAAs and from the candidate surveys do match more often than not, we also find substantive differences and even opposing positions. Moreover, these occasional differences have already rather severe consequences looking at calculated overlaps between citizens and parties as well as representations of the political competition space and party system polarization. These differences seem to be more pronounced in Greece. We conclude that candidate surveys are indeed a valid additional source to validate and improve VAAs.</p>},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Giebler, Heiko},
 journal = {Statistics, Politics and Policy},
 number = {2}
}

Locating political parties correctly regarding different policy issues is not just crucial for research on parties, party competition, and many similar fields but also for the electorate. For the latter, it has become more and more important as the relevance of voting advice applications (VAA) has increased and as their main usage is to compare citizens’ policy preferences to the offer of political parties. However, if party positions are not adequately assigned, citizens are provided with suboptimal information which decreases the citizens’ capacities to make rational electoral decision. VAA designers follow different approaches to determining party positions. In this paper, we look beyond most common sources like electoral manifestos and expert judgments by using surveys of electoral candidates to validate and improve VAAs. We argue that by using positions derived from candidate surveys we get the information by the source itself, but at the same time we overcome most of the disadvantages of the other methods. Using data for the 2014 European Parliament election both in Greece and Germany, we show that while positions taken from the VAAs and from the candidate surveys do match more often than not, we also find substantive differences and even opposing positions. Moreover, these occasional differences have already rather severe consequences looking at calculated overlaps between citizens and parties as well as representations of the political competition space and party system polarization. These differences seem to be more pronounced in Greece. We conclude that candidate surveys are indeed a valid additional source to validate and improve VAAs.

@article{
 title = {Italian candidates under the Rosato law},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {19-35},
 volume = {13},
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 abstract = {Candidates for public office are part of the politically 'active minority' that serve as a fundamental link between voters and the ruling class. The selection of candidates can also define the traits of political personnel in the major political institutions and, more in general, the very nature of democratic representation. The study of candidates is particularly interesting in the case of the 2018 Italian elections as it allows us to understand the extent to which Italian citizens are willing to run for office despite a negative climate towards politics, and despite parties' choices under the new mixed electoral system-the so-called 'Rosato law'. This article investigates a number of key characteristics of the Italian candidates running for a seat in the Chamber of Deputies in 2018 and compares them with those who stood for office in the past elections from 1976 onwards. In particular, we focus on the following aspects: the overall number of candidacies and party lists, the use of multiple candidacies by different parties, and some relevant traits of candidates such as their age, gender and past experience as candidates. Results highlight the impact of the new electoral institutions, as in 2018 the overall number of Italian candidates and lists has decreased if compared to the 2013 elections. However, the new rules have not substantially reduced the number of those who run for office without any reasonable possibility of obtaining a parliamentary seat. In addition, the population of Italian would-be deputies has become more balanced in terms of gender-though not any younger-and the turnover rate among Italian candidates seems to be somewhat lower than in 2013. Furthermore, moving from 2013 to 2018, the leaders of Italian parties have made more moderate use of multiple candidacies as a tool for controlling party members. In the last elections, multiple candidacies were employed mostly for safeguarding the election of some prominent politicians.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Pedrazzani, Andrea and Pinto, Luca and Segatti, Paolo},
 journal = {Italian Political Science},
 number = {1}
}

Candidates for public office are part of the politically 'active minority' that serve as a fundamental link between voters and the ruling class. The selection of candidates can also define the traits of political personnel in the major political institutions and, more in general, the very nature of democratic representation. The study of candidates is particularly interesting in the case of the 2018 Italian elections as it allows us to understand the extent to which Italian citizens are willing to run for office despite a negative climate towards politics, and despite parties' choices under the new mixed electoral system-the so-called 'Rosato law'. This article investigates a number of key characteristics of the Italian candidates running for a seat in the Chamber of Deputies in 2018 and compares them with those who stood for office in the past elections from 1976 onwards. In particular, we focus on the following aspects: the overall number of candidacies and party lists, the use of multiple candidacies by different parties, and some relevant traits of candidates such as their age, gender and past experience as candidates. Results highlight the impact of the new electoral institutions, as in 2018 the overall number of Italian candidates and lists has decreased if compared to the 2013 elections. However, the new rules have not substantially reduced the number of those who run for office without any reasonable possibility of obtaining a parliamentary seat. In addition, the population of Italian would-be deputies has become more balanced in terms of gender-though not any younger-and the turnover rate among Italian candidates seems to be somewhat lower than in 2013. Furthermore, moving from 2013 to 2018, the leaders of Italian parties have made more moderate use of multiple candidacies as a tool for controlling party members. In the last elections, multiple candidacies were employed mostly for safeguarding the election of some prominent politicians.

@article{
 title = {Party performance explains disagreement between politicians and their parties},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Party positions,candidates,electoral performance,intra-party politics,intra-party unity},
 pages = {329-349},
 volume = {41},
 month = {3},
 publisher = {Routledge},
 day = {4},
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 authored = {false},
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 abstract = {Are politicians more likely to disagree with their party after an electoral defeat or during a spell in opposition? If so, are they likely to advocate a more moderate or a more radical position than their party? In order to evaluate this, the article analyses the absolute distance between candidates for parliament and their parties on the left–right dimension. The sample used consists of 5614 politicians from 11 countries (Comparative Candidate Survey). Controlling for party system differences and individual characteristics, the results demonstrate that politicians take more moderate positions than their party after an electoral defeat. Also politicians of government parties are surprisingly more likely to disagree than politicians of opposition parties. These results overlap with predictions of party position shifts and inform the discussion on how intra-party dynamics bring about changes in party position. In addition, the article finds evidence of loss aversion, and differences in the responsiveness of elite and non-elite candidates. KEYWORDS},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Schumacher, Gijs and Elmelund-Præstekær, Christian},
 journal = {West European Politics},
 number = {2}
}

Are politicians more likely to disagree with their party after an electoral defeat or during a spell in opposition? If so, are they likely to advocate a more moderate or a more radical position than their party? In order to evaluate this, the article analyses the absolute distance between candidates for parliament and their parties on the left–right dimension. The sample used consists of 5614 politicians from 11 countries (Comparative Candidate Survey). Controlling for party system differences and individual characteristics, the results demonstrate that politicians take more moderate positions than their party after an electoral defeat. Also politicians of government parties are surprisingly more likely to disagree than politicians of opposition parties. These results overlap with predictions of party position shifts and inform the discussion on how intra-party dynamics bring about changes in party position. In addition, the article finds evidence of loss aversion, and differences in the responsiveness of elite and non-elite candidates. KEYWORDS

@article{
 title = {Gendered political resources: The case of party office},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {gender power,party patronage,political parties,political recruitment,women’s representation},
 pages = {536-548},
 volume = {24},
 month = {9},
 publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
 day = {1},
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 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Party office is a crucial political resource for those seeking a political career. It provides advantageous access to the distribution of the patronage parties are entitled to in party government democracies. This article aims at measuring this comparative advantage while simultaneously investigating whether it benefits women and men equally in political recruitment processes. We concentrate on viable candidacy for parliamentary office, ministerial appointments, as well as post-ministerial offices in public and semi-public life that are also in the hands of political parties to distribute. Our cross-national analysis of advanced industrial democracies shows that men are much more likely than women to benefit from holding party office in their ascendant political careers, even when controlling for other political resources, sociodemographic factors and country-level variables. This suggests that party office is a gendered political resource and that gender power dynamics are deeply entrenched in political parties.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Verge, Tània and Claveria, Sílvia},
 journal = {Party Politics},
 number = {5}
}

Party office is a crucial political resource for those seeking a political career. It provides advantageous access to the distribution of the patronage parties are entitled to in party government democracies. This article aims at measuring this comparative advantage while simultaneously investigating whether it benefits women and men equally in political recruitment processes. We concentrate on viable candidacy for parliamentary office, ministerial appointments, as well as post-ministerial offices in public and semi-public life that are also in the hands of political parties to distribute. Our cross-national analysis of advanced industrial democracies shows that men are much more likely than women to benefit from holding party office in their ascendant political careers, even when controlling for other political resources, sociodemographic factors and country-level variables. This suggests that party office is a gendered political resource and that gender power dynamics are deeply entrenched in political parties.

@article{
 title = {European Populist Parties in Government: How Well are Voters Represented? Evidence from Greece},
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 year = {2017},
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 pages = {485-508},
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 websites = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/spsr.12255},
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@article{
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@article{
 title = {Gendered policy preferences? Candidates’ views on political issues in a comparative perspective},
 type = {article},
 year = {2017},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {944-968},
 volume = {15},
 websites = {http://link.springer.com/10.1057/cep.2015.4},
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 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Lloren, Anouk and Rosset, Jan},
 journal = {Comparative European Politics},
 number = {6}
}

@inproceedings{
 title = {Conducting a Candidate Study as a Web-Survey. Advantages, Challenges and Best Practices},
 type = {inproceedings},
 year = {2016},
 websites = {http://www.polres.gr/en/sites/default/files/Candidates-Web-Survey.pdf},
 city = {Podgorica, Montenegro,},
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 bibtype = {inproceedings},
 author = {Andreadis, I and Kartsounidou, E},
 booktitle = {1st BCES International Scientific Conference}
}

@book{
 title = {La rappresentanza politica in Italia : candidati ed elettori nelle elezioni politiche del 2013},
 type = {book},
 year = {2016},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {366},
 websites = {https://air.unimi.it/handle/2434/425760#.XNGNVHX7TCJ},
 publisher = {Il mulino},
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 bibtype = {book},
 author = {Di Virgilio, Aldo and Segatti, Paolo}
}

@inproceedings{
 title = {Mapping European parties’ policy positions by using data from the Comparative Candidates Survey.},
 type = {inproceedings},
 year = {2016},
 city = {Prague},
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 bibtype = {inproceedings},
 author = {Giannetti, Daniela and Pinto, Luca.},
 booktitle = { X ECPR General Conference}
}

@book{
 title = {Participação e Representação Políticas na Europa em Crise},
 type = {book},
 year = {2016},
 websites = {https://scholar.google.gr/scholar?hl=en&as_sdt=0%2C5&q=Participa%C3%A7%C3%A3o+e+Representa%C3%A7%C3%A3o+Pol%C3%ADticas+na+Europa+em+Crise%2C+Lisboa&btnG=#d=gs_cit&u=%2Fscholar%3Fq%3Dinfo%3A1A9Zx59CTRUJ%3Ascholar.google.com%2F%26output%3Dcite%26scirp%3D0%2},
 publisher = {Assembleia da República, Coleção Parlamento},
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 author = {Freire, A and Lisi, M and Viegas, JM}
}

@book{
 title = {Political Representation in Times of Bailout Evidence from Greece and Portugal},
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 year = {2016},
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 websites = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/9781315675268},
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 author = {Freire, André and Lisi, Marco and Andreadis, Ioannis and Viegas, José Manuel Leite}
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@inproceedings{
 title = {Estimating the position of political parties: comparison between an expert survey and a candidate survey},
 type = {inproceedings},
 year = {2015},
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@inproceedings{
 title = {Using Surveys to Measure the Populist Attitudes of Political Elites and Voters: A Greek Pilot Study of Supply and Demand},
 type = {inproceedings},
 year = {2015},
 websites = {https://www.academia.edu/12663234/Using_Surveys_to_Measure_the_Populist_Attitudes_of_Political_Elites_and_Voters_A_Greek_Pilot_Study_of_Supply_and_Demand},
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@article{
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@article{
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@article{
 title = {Candidate centred campaigning in a party centred context: The case of Belgium},
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@book{
 title = {Crise económica, políticas de austeridade e representação política},
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@book{
 title = {Political Representation in Portugal: The Years of the Socialist Majority, 2005-2009},
 type = {book},
 year = {2015},
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@inproceedings{
 title = {Increasing the response rate of the Comparative Candidate Survey},
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@article{
 title = {Lone fighters: Intraparty competition, interparty competition, and candidates' vote seeking efforts in open-ballot PR elections},
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 year = {2015},
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@article{
 title = {Constituency candidates in comparative perspective–How personalized are constituency campaigns, why, and does it matter?},
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 pages = {286-294},
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@article{
 title = {Candidates in 2013 Italian general election: evidence from the Italian Candidate Survey},
 type = {article},
 year = {2015},
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 pages = {317-342},
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 abstract = {Changes in electoral politics in contemporary democracies have contributed to shifting the focus of research from parties to individual candidates. The 2013 Italian Candidate Survey (ICS) has collected original survey data with the aim of gaining new insights into the role of political elites, looking in particular at the candidates running for office in the last Italian general election. Based on interviews with individual candidates, the ICS provides a tool for analysing party members; and for comparing them with voters in several ways. In this paper, we spell out the main features of our research that was conducted within the framework of a larger project that examined political representation in Italy between 2013 and 2015. Moreover, we offer three examples of potential applications of ICS data. First, we present a model of political representation favoured by Italian candidates that matches with a well-known typology of political representation. Second, we utilize our ICS data to estimate candidates’ policy preferences and to assess the level of congruence with their voters. Finally, by comparing the distribution of candidates’ self-placements and their own party mean position on the left-right scale, we show how our data can be used to explore intra-party cohesion.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Di Virgilio, Aldo and Giannetti, Daniela and Pedrazzani, Andrea and Pinto, Luca},
 journal = {Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica},
 number = {3}
}

Changes in electoral politics in contemporary democracies have contributed to shifting the focus of research from parties to individual candidates. The 2013 Italian Candidate Survey (ICS) has collected original survey data with the aim of gaining new insights into the role of political elites, looking in particular at the candidates running for office in the last Italian general election. Based on interviews with individual candidates, the ICS provides a tool for analysing party members; and for comparing them with voters in several ways. In this paper, we spell out the main features of our research that was conducted within the framework of a larger project that examined political representation in Italy between 2013 and 2015. Moreover, we offer three examples of potential applications of ICS data. First, we present a model of political representation favoured by Italian candidates that matches with a well-known typology of political representation. Second, we utilize our ICS data to estimate candidates’ policy preferences and to assess the level of congruence with their voters. Finally, by comparing the distribution of candidates’ self-placements and their own party mean position on the left-right scale, we show how our data can be used to explore intra-party cohesion.

@article{
 title = {Elites' and Voters' Attitudes towards Austerity Policies and their Consequences in Greece and Portugal},
 type = {article},
 year = {2014},
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 journal = {South European Society and Politics},
 number = {4}
}

@article{
 title = {Awakening the Sleeping Giant in Greece and Portugal? Elites' and Voters' Attitudes towards EU Integration in Difficult Economic Times},
 type = {article},
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@article{
 title = {Political Representation in Bailed-out Southern Europe: Greece and Portugal Compared},
 type = {article},
 year = {2014},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Austerity Policies,Bailouts,Economic Crisis,Greece,Political Representation,Portugal},
 pages = {413-559},
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 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Freire2014a},
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 abstract = {The emergence of the economic and financial crisis has already shown important electoral and political consequences in southern Europe. Drawing on the experience of two bailed-out countries, Greece and Portugal, we use original data collected before and after 2008 to examine how patterns of political representation have changed during this period. We argue that austerity measures have significantly affected the way MPs represent their electorates, namely in terms of policy congruence. In addition, the economic crisis has also deepened the legitimacy crisis in both countries. Finally, we find that the short-term impact of the crisis has had a greater impact on voters' attitudes than on those of their representatives.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Freire, André and Lisi, Marco and Andreadis, Ioannis and Viegas, José Manuel Leite},
 journal = {South European Society and Politics},
 number = {4}
}

The emergence of the economic and financial crisis has already shown important electoral and political consequences in southern Europe. Drawing on the experience of two bailed-out countries, Greece and Portugal, we use original data collected before and after 2008 to examine how patterns of political representation have changed during this period. We argue that austerity measures have significantly affected the way MPs represent their electorates, namely in terms of policy congruence. In addition, the economic crisis has also deepened the legitimacy crisis in both countries. Finally, we find that the short-term impact of the crisis has had a greater impact on voters' attitudes than on those of their representatives.

@article{
 title = {Policy Congruence and Style of Representation: Party Voters and Political Parties},
 type = {article},
 year = {2014},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {538-563},
 volume = {37},
 publisher = {Routledge},
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 abstract = {This article focuses on whether styles of representation influence policy congruence. Style of representation is defined at the party level as the proportion of representatives within parties who are partisans, delegates or trustees. Policy congruence refers to how close on the left--right scale the mean position of a party as placed by its candidates is compared to that of party voters. The article concludes that where there are higher proportions of trustees within parties, there is a greater degree of policy congruence, whereas a higher proportion of partisans results in less policy congruence. The proportion of delegates has no significant impact on congruence after taking account of other party and country measures. This indicates that party constraints on representatives are applied at the cost of congruence with voters, and that when representatives enjoy more flexibility to follow their own opinions, the party displays greater congruence with its own voters.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Önnudóttir, Eva H.},
 journal = {West European Politics},
 number = {3}
}

This article focuses on whether styles of representation influence policy congruence. Style of representation is defined at the party level as the proportion of representatives within parties who are partisans, delegates or trustees. Policy congruence refers to how close on the left--right scale the mean position of a party as placed by its candidates is compared to that of party voters. The article concludes that where there are higher proportions of trustees within parties, there is a greater degree of policy congruence, whereas a higher proportion of partisans results in less policy congruence. The proportion of delegates has no significant impact on congruence after taking account of other party and country measures. This indicates that party constraints on representatives are applied at the cost of congruence with voters, and that when representatives enjoy more flexibility to follow their own opinions, the party displays greater congruence with its own voters.

@unpublished{
 title = {A Comparative Study of the Effects of Electoral Institutions on Campaigns},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2014},
 source = {SSRN},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {campaign means,campaign style,electoral institutions,party-candidate relations},
 id = {a396acd7-3e96-3578-b2e3-5faa21aa4cff},
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 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
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 abstract = {A long tradition of studies in political science has unveiled the effects of electoral institutions on party systems and parliamentary representation. Yet their effects on campaign activities remain overlooked. Research in this tradition still lacks a strong comparative element able to explore the nuanced role of electoral institutions in shaping individual-level campaigns during first-order parliamentary elections. This study uses data from a variety of national candidate studies to address this lacuna , and shows that the structure of electoral institutions affects the electoral mobilization efforts put in place by candidates. Candidate-centred electoral systems incentivize more intense and complex mobilization efforts, and shift the campaign focus towards individuals rather than parties. By directly addressing the effects of electoral institutions on campaign behaviour, this study contributes to the wider debate on their role in promoting political engagement and mobilization. These results indicate that electoral institutions affect political competition much more than previously thought.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Trumm, Siim and Sudulich, Maria Laura}
}

A long tradition of studies in political science has unveiled the effects of electoral institutions on party systems and parliamentary representation. Yet their effects on campaign activities remain overlooked. Research in this tradition still lacks a strong comparative element able to explore the nuanced role of electoral institutions in shaping individual-level campaigns during first-order parliamentary elections. This study uses data from a variety of national candidate studies to address this lacuna , and shows that the structure of electoral institutions affects the electoral mobilization efforts put in place by candidates. Candidate-centred electoral systems incentivize more intense and complex mobilization efforts, and shift the campaign focus towards individuals rather than parties. By directly addressing the effects of electoral institutions on campaign behaviour, this study contributes to the wider debate on their role in promoting political engagement and mobilization. These results indicate that electoral institutions affect political competition much more than previously thought.

@inbook{
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 year = {2013},
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 title = {Wahlen und Wähler}
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@inproceedings{
 title = {Investigating consensus versus conflict between the Greek and Portuguese political elites during the economic crisis: a matter of ideology?},
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 year = {2012},
 pages = {27-29},
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 booktitle = {nd Plenary Conference of the CCS, MZES}
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@inproceedings{
 title = {Measuring satisfaction with democracy among candidates: What is the effect of the electoral outcome?},
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 year = {2012},
 pages = {pp. 27-29},
 websites = {http://www.polres.gr/en/sites/default/files/Satisfaction-democracy-electoral-outcome.pdf},
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